1 – A public statement form an Antifa arrestee

The following was written by one of the Anti-Fascist arrestees who requested to remain anonymous.

Even as public exposure after Charlottesville has turned the tide and the fascist movement has begun to fracture, the narrative and aims of the right have been taken up as always by the state. The Berkeley mayor has tried to designate “Antifa” as a gang. Berkeley police have pursued serious charges against anti-fascist protestors, even trying to charge community members with “hate crimes” for alleged anti-fascist graffiti. The California Highway Patrol have pursued serious charges against counter protestors to the nazi’s attempted rally at the state capital last summer. Repression is happening all around us and solidarity is our best weapon against it.

The state’s cooperation in the right-wing story about “Antifa” is also taking place at the national level. After Milo Yiannopolis’ attempted speech at UC Berkeley was shut down by thousands of counter-protestors in February, a petition began circulating online which sought to have “Antifa” labeled as a terrorist organization. Recently this goal has come to fruition, as the department of homeland security has designated “Antifa” a terrorist group.

In this case DHS collaborates with right-wing anger about anti-fascism, which is a consistent theme of this first year of resistance to the Trump regime. Right-wing extremists have killed 46 people since 2001. Some, like Jeremy Christian are organized Nazis. In March of this year, a 66 year old Black man named Timothy Caughman was stabbed to death in Manhattan by a white supremacist upset about “interracial relationships.” Fascist groups like Identity Evropa are engaged in constant harassment campaigns and recruitment campaigns on college campuses and in the streets of the bay. In late September, a synagogue was graffitied in Oakland. Who are the terrorists? Who have the antifascists killed? Who have the “Antifa” even killed? No one.

The shut-down of the Milo event was also the beginning of the alt-right’s perverse fascination with the streets of Berkeley. Remember, the cops and klan (and the alt-right) go hand and hand. Despite not having permits for their four Berkeley events this year, police met with alt-right organizers ahead of the actions, physically protected and facilitated their presence, and disproportionately targeted counter-protesters for detention, disarmament, and arrest. In Portland at a rally in early June, a member of the right-wing militia the Oathkeepers was even allowed by DHS agents to assist in arresting a counter-protester. Berkeley police have also assisted in a targeting campaign against a local professor. Eric Clanton was targeted with accusations and an avalanche of online harassment in the wake of the April 15 engagement in Berkeley. As a result of these accusation made by white-supremacists on the internet, two houses were raided by over a dozen cops with guns drawn, several doors were smashed in, and Eric was arrested, charged with four felonies and held at $200,000 bail. All of this in response to a story told and popularized in the nastiest most racist corners of the internet. Remember, the alt-right lie about everything.

Furthermore, one year after antifascists shut down a neo-nazi demonstration in Sacramento, three counter-protesters were arrested and held on up to $250,000 dollars in bail. Two of them were brought all the way from southern California. These are just the most publicized examples of a phenomenon that is much broader in scope, even locally. Dozens of other arrestees are facing charges in connection with this year’s actions in Berkeley and across the country, and investigations will certainly continue. What happened to Eric can happen in reverse too. When the state criminalizes antifascists their names become public and they are at risk of being targeted for threats and harassment by the alt-right.

It is also essential to remember that repression is NOT new, not unique, and not just something that happens when there are confrontations in the streets. Dejuan Hall was brutally beaten and arrested by the police in Vallejo in March of this year in an incident that was filmed. Jesse Buna, one of the people filming, was also arrested and both face charges of assault on an officer. The message here is clear: any resistance to white supremacy and the police can make you a physical and a legal target. In fact, white-supremacists are so embedded in local police agencies that the FBI refuses to share information on white supremacist organizing with local law enforcement.

This is the effect of strategies by both the right and the state to make the streets more dangerous for people who would resist the Trump regime. These strategies go beyond the jails and courts too. Months before Heather Heyer was murdered in the streets of Charlottesville by a member of the neo-nazi group American Vanguard, state legislators were working to legitimize violence against those who protested in the street. 7-8 state houses introduced legislation that would limit liability for people running their cars through protestors in the street. Moreover, laws across the country have been passed or introduced to limit constraints on police, and stiffen penalties for protestors. Just this month the Berkeley city council voted to allow police to deploy pepper spray against protestors.

Repression is coming down hard in this time across the country. The state is responding to the strength of our organizing. In addition to the dozens of antifascist defendants in California, more than two hundred people are facing years of prison time for protesting Trump’s inauguration in Washington D.C. simply because corporate property was damaged. Hundreds more are facing charges for protecting indigenous water and land by resisting the Dakota Access Pipeline. Not only does this create trauma and anxiety for defendants and their loved ones, but it ripples out to create fear and hesitation for anyone who chooses to resist. Especially those who will not let power prescribe for them how they resist.

Now more than ever it is essential to support anti-fascist defendants and all targets of repression. These are all attempts to criminalize and deter the growing momentum of organized resistance, all attempts to create feelings of hopelessness, to remind us that the state will always be bigger and more powerful than we are. This hopelessness breeds the complicity that state power thrives on. We know better, we know that the people will always be bigger, and will always be more powerful when we stand together. Solidarity is our strength, so continued resistance in this time must mean standing together against our common enemies. It must mean standing behind and with people who are targeted by the right and by the state. It must mean standing with and organizing with the communities that this fascist movement seeks to victimize and erase.

It must also mean recognizing that solidarity does not erase our tactical and ideological differences, it only gives us more impetus to respect one another despite them. We are not a monolith, we are a hydra. We are all antifascists!

1 – Some seeds need fire to open – a report on the last days of Standing Rock

By Loki Coyote

On February 22, I was arrested for resisting the eviction of the Oceti Oyate camp at Standing Rock. I’ve been mourning Oceti’s loss ever since, and I’m sure many others have too. It’s hard to see in the fog of grief, hard to think clearly in its clutches. But if we don’t learn from the example of Standing Rock, mistakes that could be avoided will be repeated. I want people to learn from Standing Rock, so that future water protectors are better prepared to fight to win. I hope these words are meaningful to someone. If they are, please write me! Those of us who were there for this immortal moment will keep the spirit of Oceti alive. Still, it hurts me. We fucking lost.

Those of you who are in the habit of defying authority have probably at some point heard a cop utter these words: “We can do this the easy way or the hard way.” This is called a double bind, a false choice designed to make submission seem like the best option. If you accept that your only choices are the two that you’re being presented, you’ve already lost. 

It was a foregone conclusion that the police would successfully evict the camp that day. No one intended to put up the kind of resistance that would actually be effective in stopping the eviction. How did it come to this? Why did the mighty Oceti camp allow itself to be defeated?

We Must Be Defenseless!”

The day before the scheduled eviction, there was a meeting for people who had decided to stay in camp on February 22. Everyone was asked to hand over their phones and any other electronic devices at the entrance of the tent. Then, when the meeting was about to start, the facilitator announced that a journalist would be filming the meeting, so that if law enforcement later said in court that something had taken place in the meeting that hadn’t, there would be evidence to contradict them. I don’t understand why, but everyone just accepted this nonsense. I was the only one to object.

The facilitator of this meeting was a non-native woman I hadn’t seen before. I do not understand how this vitally important role fell to her. She made no pretense of neutrality or even-handedness. She began with a long speech about how we needed to be aware that the police would construe shields as weapons, and that people who chose to defend themselves were putting the lives of everyone else in jeopardy. She said the magic words: “Remember why you are here!” At one point she declared with stupendous moral conviction, “We must be defenceless!” Her words were a reiteration of a familiar narrative: We must be prayerful, to be prayerful means to be peaceful, to be peaceful means to be compliant. Defiance equals violence, disobedience equals disrespect. Besides leaving camp peacefully, which was strongly encouraged, there was only one option: symbolic arrest. The double bind.

I could barely take it. I hate being told what to do. I hate manipulative language and badly-facilitated meetings. In these situations, where there’s no question that undercover cops are present, many activists are reluctant to speak their minds. For security reasons, they don’t want to out themselves as militants, especially if they have something planned. You’ve got a room full of tension, full of distrust, and at a time when folks need a morale boost the most, they get exactly the opposite. 

One “action” that was proposed was a prayer walk. The idea was to gather with drums, prayer flags, and sacred items, and march around Oceti before continuing straight on out of camp. Valorizing surrender. This idea was taken up enthusiastically by the facilitator, as if she’d been waiting for it to be proposed.

Eventually, a person gave a speech advocating resistance. He had a plan. He’d already started building a barricade. He wanted help. Then, in quick succession, several other people spoke up declaring their intentions to stand up to the police. The facilitator attempted to redirect the conversation back to her personal agenda. I asked on whose behalf she was speaking, and eventually she rattled off a few names, none of which I recognized. But the person who had been advocating building a barricade said that he had received explicit permission to build the barricade from one of the people the facilitator mentioned. “I’m going to start now,” he said. “Whoever wants to help, come with me.”

I followed him out. The plan was to fix four-by-eight-foot sheets of plywood to posts in the ground. I spent most of the rest of the day digging holes. At first I felt good about what I was doing, then I started using my mind. It made little to no sense to build a barricade where we were building it. Someone left to go get the wood, but they never returned. By the time it was dark, I didn’t care about the barricade anymore. I went to bed early that night and slept like a baby.

The Pressure Mounts

Some have portrayed the resistance at Standing Rock as wildly successful, despite the eviction, despite the fact that oil now flows through the main vein of the Black Snake. These eternal optimists point to the many anti-pipeline campaigns inspired by Standing Rock. They point out that #NoDAPL has raised the political and economic cost of pipelines, and that some pipelines have been cancelled due to the new climate of resistance. All this makes me think of an archer who aims for a target, fires, misses, then paints a target around the arrow and claims to have hit the bull’s eye.

Let’s not sugarcoat things: We lost. We were trying to stop a pipeline, and we failed. Let’s learn from our mistakes, evaluate them, study what worked and what didn’t, and commit to being better prepared next time around. Not to say that the fight against DAPL is over. No war is ever won unless one side accepts defeat. Have the water protectors of Oceti accepted defeat? Only time will tell…

A lot took place that day. 

Most peculiar of all was a certain quality of ordinariness. Maybe there’s only so much the mind can take before it decides to reassert normalcy. Maybe if one could just manage to ignore how surreal everything was, things would go back to normal. 

I found a deflated soccer ball lying around. I joked that we should challenge the cops to a game of soccer, telling them that we’d leave if they beat us fair and square, so long as they’d fuck off if we beat them. I’ve read about how radical clowns mess with the cops in Europe, and it seemed like a good alternative to the binary of submission or violence. It makes sense to me to use humour as a way to diffuse tension. 

The day earlier, the prayer walk had been proposed as an action to boost morale. I kept my distance. Later I read that the leader of this prayer walk had declared victory, telling the crowd: “We’re here to tell the spirits that we won.”

The Hour Strikes

At 2:00 pm, the time that we had been told a few days prior that police would start making arrests, a group of at least thirty people gathered near the road, many bloc’ed up, wearing masks, body armour, gas masks, goggles, and other protective gear. There were three shields. Someone had created a small barricade with barbed wire at the entrance into camp. Mad props to whoever did that, if you’re reading this.

No one had a plan. We were just a bunch of rebels who didn’t want to roll over and let the police move into a place that meant so much to us, a place of such global significance. We milled about. Two o’clock came and went without incident. Some of us started playing soccer in the mud with the deflated ball. Someone showed me where to find an inflated ball. Maybe it sounds silly, but that meant a lot to me.

A woman that I’d only seen once before wound up in the important role of police liaison. She wore a shabby high-visibility vest with the words “neutral mediator” written on it in Sharpie. She wasn’t presenting herself as a water protector, but as a third party working for some unspecified organization. 

Everything she said was fear-mongering. We were told at one point that those people who wanted to be peacefully arrested were to go to the road. There was a subtle threat woven into the presentation of this option, implying that people who remained in camp would also be arrested, but face more dire consequences, such as police violence and felony charges. Later, in a variation on the same theme, the police liaison came back and told the remaining water protectors that if they didn’t leave, the police would be coming into the camp “with live rounds.” I thought this was ridiculous: Don’t police normally have “live rounds” in the gun at their hip? But energy flows where attention goes; little things like this contributed to a doubtful, indecisive mood.

Sometime not long after 2:00 pm, a handsome young man rolled in and gave an incredible performance, calling upon everyone in the crowd to rise to the occasion, to find their warrior spirit. There was a twist, though; it wasn’t a call to fight, it was a call to flight. Pacing back and forth, his whole body electric, hands and arms gesticulating furiously, this zealot gave a passionate speech about how we should all march out of camp, in the name of the movement. He invoked the spirits. He called on the thunder beings. Other than a short beginning, it was framed as a prayer. As such, it wasn’t up for debate. Who interrupts a prayer? It framed walking away from the camp as the noble thing, the intelligent thing, the brave thing. It was an incredible use of language.

One of the things that he yelled with conviction was a phrase that we’d heard many times before, in different contexts: REMEMBER WHY YOU ARE HERE!

I urge everyone to think about this phrase, because it was incredibly effective at silencing people. On the surface, it is benign, but its effect is powerful. The command “Remember why you are here!” implies togetherness—that why you are here is the same as the reason I am here, and therefore what I am encouraging you to do is what you yourself want to do. Say the words “Remember why you are here!” and then follow it with a volley of embedded commands; while the conscious mind is searching for an amorphous memory, the subconscious mind accepts the suggestions.

It was almost 4:00 pm when the police started threatening people with arrest. There was a crowd on the road, where there was a line of riot cops. The boss was ordering people to leave or face arrest. A lot of people had cameras. Some were livestreaming. Legal observers were present. The line between spectator and participant was blurry. 

Then, the first arrest. A snatch squad rushed forward, grabbed someone, and pulled him back behind the police line. Some people fled in terror. I was arrested and charged with two misdemeanours Eight other people got arrested along with me. We spent the night in jail. The worst part of the experience was spending three hours in a van with our hands bound. It hurt. Last time I spoke with the legal team, they told me that dozens of misdemeanour charges had been dropped, and that there’s a good chance that mine will be dropped too. And that is where my story ends. 

Some Seeds Need Fire to Open Them

Oceti meant a lot to me. It came as the fulfillment of a dream and the answer to a prayer. Before the movement at Standing Rock arose, I envisioned the anti-pipeline movement giving rise to truly sovereign territories. This is what decolonization means to me—not a shift in attitude, but freeing land-based communities from state control. It was my hope that Oceti would become an autonomous zone, where plans for a more beautiful world could be hatched.

Now that my wish has been granted, and its time has come and gone, I’m left picking up the pieces of my dreams, shards that will cut me if I hold them the wrong way. I’m driven by a maddening hunch that if I put them together the right way, they’ll spell out a secret message that will re-enchant the world. 

Please, make no mistake: I have tremendous faith. I too acknowledge the magnificent beauty of what transpired at Standing Rock. The beauty of life is not diminished by death, nor is the beauty of a moment in time diminished by its ending. The spirit of Oceti Oyate will live on in the hearts and minds of all those who gave themselves whole-heartedly to it, and each of these water protectors now carries a seed within their hearts, which they will take to the four directions. And some seeds need fire to open them. 

I’m profoundly grateful to have been a part of this moment in history, which will dwell in our collective memory for generations. For a time, I lived my dream of living in a society without authority, without money, rooted in a deep respect for all life. At Standing Rock, we were free. We felt part of the Great Circle of life—deeply connected to both the past and the future, drawing from a well that is the source. 

Understanding the Enemy Within

I believe that Oceti Oyate was defeated because of shrewd COINTELPRO-style tactics. Divide-and-conquer tactics. Psychological warfare, spiritual warfare; whichever you prefer. Just like everyone else, I’m left guessing. The available evidence doesn’t lend itself to any tidy conclusions. 

We can theorize, though, and we should. It’s only safe to assume that whatever government programs (and their corporate counterparts) have descended from COINTRELPRO are leaps and bounds ahead of their predecessor. The enemy is amongst us… sowing seeds of discord, pacifying us when it is strategic to agitate, agitating when it would be wise to stand down.

What’s worse is the thought that the enemy is within our own minds as well. Many people on our side have internalized the mainstream media narrative of “good protester vs. bad protester.” Now we have the narrative of the “good ally vs. agitator.” Certain ideologies are operational and self-reinforcing at this point—ideologies which may have been promoted by our enemies in ways too obscure to pin down. Some will consider this conspiracy theory, but I’m convinced that certain attitudes serve those in power too well to have arisen accidentally. I can’t point my finger at anyone and accuse them of being a government agent without evidence. I can tell a story, though. I can do my best to convey to others what it feels to live inside a riddle. 

Make no mistake: We can be sure that state and corporate forces are at this very moment recruiting and training agents to disrupt our movement, to derail us, to pacify us, to divert our energy into useless channels. They’ll use what they learned from Standing Rock; use spirituality to divide people; use clever techniques of persuasion to promote weak ideas, tactics, and strategies. They’ll use the politics of legitimacy to divide people; use smear campaigns; use anti-oppression politics, especially the spectre of the “good ally.” If we are to prevail, we must be solid, resolute, and practice a culture of solidarity. We must be strong in ourselves, unwavering in our belief, unshakable in our determination. And we must be willing to be honest with ourselves, preferring hard truth to easy fantasy.

This Ain’t Over

To my enemies reading this, mark my words: This ain’t over. The day is fast approaching when you will realize that we are no longer resisting you. You are resisting us. A new world will be born from the ashes of your crumbling empire, and day will break on the dawn of total freedom. Your legacies will live in infamy, serving as nothing more than pathetic examples of human stupidity, sad reminders of the price of ignorance, cautionary tales about the dangers of greed. We are armed with visions infinitely more powerful than your money, your guns, and your lies. You’ve seen our movement grow, but you ain’t seen nothing yet. We’re just getting warmed up, motherfuckers.

MNI WICONI! WATER IS LIFE!

This article is meant to be part of a series reflecting on lessons that can be learned from Standing Rock. If you participated in the movement and want to contribute to the conversation, drop me a line at rebelrebuildrewild@riseup.net.

1 – Face Down Climate Change

By Wendy & Jesse & Hayley & Teresa

Three of the most intense hurricanes ever recorded just ripped through Puerto Rico and the southern US — within weeks of each other! Ash rained from the sky in Seattle and Portland for weeks. Record monsoons swept through Asia. Parts of Sierra Leon and Niger are underwater. San Francisco recorded its hottest day ever and Europe endured a triple-digit heat wave they called “Diablo.” The fucking devil is here man, and its name is climate change.

But despite all this, no one is talking much about it — and even more lacking are concrete, urgent and massive plans to immediately and dramatically cut the carbon and other emissions that are driving the increasingly abnormal weather. What the hell is going on? How can most people realize we’re tipping the world into a sixth mass extinction which fundamentally threatens human society, and be so easily distracted, so resigned, so apathetic?

There are many feedback loops in nature and in human social interaction in which particular events feed on themselves. These loops can cause downward spirals, but sometimes there are also virtuous cycles in which particular actions succeed and in so doing, open doors for even greater success.

At the moment, our failure to meet climate change head-on with massive social action is taking us on a downward spiral. As carbon concentrations rise, it becomes harder to imagine any hope, harder to feel like anything anyone can do will make any difference, and it gets easier to checkout. This is causing diverse psychological and cultural trauma. Arguably the rise of nationalism and the break-down of communication across social and political divides is a symptom of the fear and loss of hope we’re feeling as the threat of human extinction sinks in. A tiny number of corporations and elites who run the fossil fuel-based system are doing everything they can to keep people distracted and fighting amongst themselves.

What we need right away is to step off this vicious cycle, and step onto a virtuous cycle, which is just within our reach. Turning away from fossil fuels will mean more than just changing fuel sources — it requires changes in the way we relate to the earth and other people. As we move away from an extractive, centralized model, there are huge opportunities to reorganize the economy away from inequality, racism, oppression and meaninglessness and towards cooperation, diversity, mutual aid and engagement. Each step forward can make the next step easier as together we reclaim a future worth living that is sustainable and in harmony with the earth. Deliberately and meaningfully dealing with climate change will allow us to stay calm and focused so we can keep forward momentum. There’s a world to be won in this transition, and nothing to lose.

But right now, what can you do to make a difference? Sure, you can strive to live a low-carbon lifestyle, boycott cars and meat, but still, even if you get your personal carbon footprint down to zero, all around you people are still pumping carbon into the atmosphere like they’re on a suicide mission and plan to take out the whole planet with them. We don’t get to have hope that climate change will be avoided — that ship has sailed. If we’re going to get out of this capitalist planetary death wish with anything resembling a habitable planet left, we’re going to need a diversity of tactics.

On a psychic level, we need to hold in our heart how success looks — a world where people get what they need, where our lives aren’t serving a system at odds with the earth, but where people serve their own needs and the needs of those around the and the earth. To hell with living large — we need to re-learn how to live close to the ground valuing simplicity, freedom, cooperation, art, music and pleasure more than our stuff. Once we can see it, it’s up to all of us to discuss it and start working out the details.

We can do this. Massive shifts in social structures as well as technological norms aren’t just possible — they’re inevitable if you look at how human societies have changed just over the last few hundred years. A lot of the racism and oppression we’re struggling with now are legacies of slavery and feudalism. People argued that both of those systems were inevitable and permanent, too, but both were swept away.

We’re at another historical tipping point — corporate capitalism has run its course. The difference this time is that these oppressive structures have exceeded the earth’s limits — we’re in a race to kill capitalism before it kills us. Systems and historical epochs don’t change on their own, and many people will cling to the old ways until the last moment. This shift requires fearless, humble, clever humans willing to fight like hell.

We need to continually test for weak spots and run with whatever works — being flexible and willing to accept alternatives that may only be partial answers but still move us forward.

It’s time to talk about taboo topics — like encouraging people to have fewer children or none at all for the next few generations to take pressure off the earth. Like supporting more urban density which dramatically reduces emissions, even when doing so changes things we love about how our cities are now. Like pointing out that rebuilding houses in hurricane country or in flood plains is crazy given near certainty that violent weather events will increase — people may need to move. Like admitting that bike sharing programs cut emissions and keep cars off the roads and there need to be anti-capitalist options that don’t have ugly corporate logos on them.

It’s time to point out the obvious, refuse to participate, and change: taking uber and lyft rides still puts carbon into the air — the better option is always to ride the bus! We need to demand better public transit, and do everything we can to get cars off the road. Why are so many products shipped thousands of miles, when we have the recourses to grow and build almost everything locally?! Folks need to stop idling their car when they’re just talking on a cell phone. Do you need to put your clothes in that dryer on the hottest day of the year? Cooperative businesses and housing save resources and are the bottom up solutions we need right now — they’re not just for hippies anymore. 

We can’t let ourselves off the hook just because we’ve individually figured out how to live a low-carbon lifestyle — we have to look towards the bigger picture of how to make it easy for everyone else on the planet to likewise make the same changes.  We are going to have to get creative, and we are going to have to get fierce if we are going to take down the 90 corporations that are responsible for 71% of carbon emissions. This will mean facing them in court, and in the streets! Seriously, we need to sue these fuckers for everything they’re worth for destroying our futures (and our present!) and do all we can to make it sure it’s no longer ever lucrative to pump carbon into the air.

Kicking the carbon habit requires social, legal, and political change, but there’s a technological aspect, too. Right after the US entered World War II, almost all factories were rapidly converted to war production, and thousands of new technologies were rapidly developed and deployed almost overnight. We’ll know we may have a chance against carbon emissions when we start seeing something similar in the form of a massive green energy boom. Right now most investment is still in dirty technologies with, at best, a trickle of money going into solar, wind, batteries, grid improvements, electric cars, conservation, high speed rail, and other transitions to carbon free tech. Let’s fight any new investment in fossil fuels — not just a few pipelines but all of it. This means, if you’re saving up for retirement or whatever, do the research, find out if any of your money is invested in fossil fuels, and if so, move your damn funds! Same with your bank: find out if your bank invents in fossil fuels, and if so, get your damn money out of there and into a credit union that only invests in clean energy!  

How frequently do we write to our climate scientists and thank them for their work? Recently, Hayley was speaking to a climate scientist friend who informed her of the incredible amount of hate mail that he and his colleagues receive. At least once a week, he’ll get a threatening email from a climate change denier. Climate scientists often work at public universities, so their contact info is online. Send them thank you letters—it will really help their morale! And while you’re at it, give yourself a treat, too. Maybe a walk amongst trees or find some friends to sing with. Let’s celebrate the awesome beauty of being alive on this living planet as we work to keep it that way!

2 – Introduction to Slingshot issue 125

Slingshot is an independent radical newspaper published in Berkeley since 1988.

As Slingshot goes to press, our Indymedia comrades in Germany are freaking out, being shut down and dealing with government surveillance. Our comrades in Barcelona are being shot with rubber bullets.

Flipping through the pages of this issue, you will find articles that completely contradict each other. That’s the idea: we aren’t a monolith, we’re a movement. Lots of voices make up this movement, and not everyone is supposed to agree. That’s where our power comes from: holding space for contradiction and internal critique. Being able to see things from different points of view — to discuss, disagree but still be comrades in the same struggle is the only way we can win. May our diverse voices burst up like flowers through the pavement of the corporate oligarchy!

It’s projects like Slingshot that hold the movement together, not because of our propaganda, but because of the great times we share listening to James Brown, The Clash and Gil Scott-Heron on vinyl while we put the pages together. We share stories, go to shows, and break bread. We write what’s in our hearts and make the best art we can. 

While we were making this issue, Sam went to the hospital and discovered his arm was broken — and it had been broken for a month! We all felt pretty bad about it, especially since Sam helped us unload a bunch of boxes of organizers when his arm was totally broken 3 weeks ago… And then, as if that wasn’t enough, Sam got freaking mugged while walking home in Berkeley from layout on Saturday night. Tthe muggers punched him in the face because he was being “too slow.” “I mean, come on guys, I’m not the one mugging me,” Sam said. Everyone in Berkeley is such a critic. Sheesh. 

During layout the clock said 2:25 but it was actually 1:30 am and we were sleep deprived and layout-drunk so a collective member threw the clock down the stairs and then we destroyed every clock in our office with the Homes Not Jails crowbar. Fuck time! Then we all helped sweep up. This is the essence of a collective — we all get to smash things, and we all get to clean up afterwards so that our 5-year old collective member won’t get cut by glass when she arrives the next morning. 

Sometimes we wonder if making Slingshot is worth it, and find ourselves lamenting that we don’t have better quality articles to cover such important topics. But then we find value in the weird and wonderful process of making the paper, and in the overwhelming volume of positive feedback from readers — especially prisoners. And it’s amazing when we talk to people involved in radical projects and spaces all over the world and they say, “Oh, you work with Slingshot? Cool!” 

We regret that this issue includes a sobriety article without an article to counter it. There was an article of tips for doing LSD, but unfortunately it was too incoherent to publish. 

Slingshot is always looking for new writers, artists, editors, photographers, translators, distributors, etc. to make this paper. If you send an article, please be open to editing.

We’re a collective but not all the articles reflect the opinions of all collective members. We welcome debate and constructive criticism.

Thanks to the people who made this: Davey, Devin, Dov, eggplant, Elke, Fern, Gerald, Hayley, Indiana Joe, Isabel, Jesse, Joey, Joey Provolone, Korvin, Laundro-Matt, Sam, and all the authors and artists!

Slingshot New Volunteer Meeting

Volunteers interested in getting involved with Slingshot can come to the new volunteer meeting on Saturday, December 10, 2017 at 7 pm at the Long Haul in Berkeley (see below.)

Article Deadline & Next Issue Date

Submit your articles for issue 126 by January 13, 2018 at 3 pm.

Volume 1, Number 125, Circulation 22,000

Printed October 6, 2017

Slingshot Newspaper

A publication of Long Haul

Office: 3124 Shattuck Avenue Berkeley CA 94705

Mailing: PO Box 3051, Berkeley, CA 94703

510-540-0751 slingshotcollective@protonmail.com 

slingshotcollective.org • twitter @slingshotnews

Hopelessness without despair

We won’t feel the full impact of today’s excesses until decades from now. Even if all of humanity were to immediately adopt a “zero impact” lifestyle (or better yet, to spontaneously go extinct), the planet is projected to warm for the next century. No matter what we do (and keep in mind that what we as a species will probably do is carry on as usual), the oceans will warm and rise, deserts will spread, and untold numbers of species will go extinct. For those of us who are young today, the human suffering we witness and experience will only amplify. We are on a trend towards wars, famines, epidemics, and natural disasters, with the deaths and displacement of millions of people. 

To face the future realistically, we can’t pretend that our compact fluorescent bulbs and low-flow showerheads will somehow redeem us from the global ecocide we are committing. So what does it mean to be a human being who deeply wants to create something better? What does it mean to be an anarchist?

We are not going to save the world as a whole, and it doesn’t make sense to delude ourselves into thinking otherwise. At the same time though, embracing pessimism doesn’t mean we need to fall into cycles of paralysis, depression, or asocial curmudgeonliness. 

The one place we can seriously dismantle hierarchy is in our relationships to the people immediately around us. Transforming the way we interact with each other, building sustainable long-term relationships, and engaging in projects that bring us joy and meaning are not the same as instigating a global revolution, but that doesn’t mean they aren’t valuable and important and more worth fighting for than trying to change everything. 

Many of us grew up without healthy models for relationships, or without enough love and social connection to feel secure as adults. Although we wish to create something better in the ways we treat our friends, lovers, partners, and comrades, when we try to build new ways of being and relating, we may feel that we’re making things up as we go along, or find ourselves replicating the fucked up dynamics we were socialized with. Often, changing our relationships to other people means changing our relationships to ourselves and understanding where our habits, reactions, and emotions are coming from. This isn’t easy to do, especially when there is stigma attached to our feelings and experiences – we need to treat ourselves as well as others with compassion.

With respect to projects and finding meaning, it’s important to remember that abandoning hope for total change doesn’t remove value from doing things that feel important or bring us joy. Some people may believe that attempts at change are worthless and prefer to retreat into their own snarky, intellectual worlds. But when an action disrupts the tedium of everyday life or improves someone’s access to healthcare or prolongs the existence of an ecosystem, it is not worthless, even if boredom, death, and ecocide continue elsewhere. Even when we fail to make the changes we want, there is value in action that brings us new human connections and gives us reason to keep living.

As human beings, some of our greatest strengths are our adaptability and our social nature. If our futures are grim, that gives us good reason to enjoy our lives as much as we can now, to cultivate a sense of joy in ourselves and those around us while bracing for what may happen later on. Now more than ever, we need to find each other and form connections, to have a community where we not only enact our values but can share skills and knowledge and look out for one another in the decades to come. 

a15 – Small press review

Here’s a sample of the cool printed matter sent to us. The regular suspects this time around — who gave us some irregular things to consider. The underground press is like a scented garden of the mind. Won’t you taste the root?

Municipal Threat 

Issue #1 – $5

Fluke Publishing

PO Box 1547

Phoenix, AZ. 85001

Exploitation films are a very particular kind of otaku (someone who obsesses over something such as anime). Unlike steampunks and furries, underground film freaks are invisible in the daylight. It’s only at night that you find them projecting 8mm film onto the side of vacant buildings, and gathering in the parking lots of indie theaters, smoking and trading VHS dubs. 

This beefy 76-page zine is a compilation fanzine, with both exploitation film reviews and underground comics. Fans of Tales from the Crypt or the works of Robert Crumb will probably love this. But don’t forget the writing. It’s not just Charles Bronson arm wrestling alligators. Nick Anderson for example can really write. In his review of Amsterdamned he actually penned the phrase “He swims up and watches Amsterpeople do their Amsterthings.” That is a quality referential pun right there. Hats off to you, sir.

The term “exploitation” here is a catch-all phrase for all B-movies. But their fans break them down further into subgenres: Spaghetti Westerns, Monster movies, Biker films, Blacksploitation, Slasher films and so on. But they have things in common: sex, drugs, and violence. But the context is impossibly specific for an outsider.

If you haven’t seen the 1982 release of “Swamp Thing” and read at least several dozen issues of the comic book, how would you ever understand a reference like “…the British writer/occultist and his collaborators reinvented the comic book creature as an eco-metaphysical sojourner…” As someone who has, I can confirm that Jason Woodbury is spot-on accurate. Yes, writer Alan Moore is an occultist, and the Mage of Northampton is not to be trifled with. 

The comics, by comparison, are more immediate and accessible. There is some really quality stuff here. I was particularly taken with artist Jarred Smith and that noir piece by David Moses… and especially the tiny, topical comment he sandwiched in between two bottom panels “Don’t ever talk to cops.”

As a whole, this zine is just as surreal as the films it pays homage to. So you end up asking yourself: Who is the 69-foot gigolo, why is he on Demon Island, why does he need revenge? Is he a Richard Gere-style American Gigolo, or more of a Jon Voight-esque Midnight Cowboy? … Or maybe a Rob Schneider-style Deuce Bigalow. There’s a lot to unpack here, but editor Brad Dwyer knows how to share the stage with all of them. (Jose Fritz)

Invisible Generation

$18.95 (190 pages)

I read the blurb on the back cover and immediately understood that Jason Rodgers is a Burroughs fan. You can write about semantics, polemics, surrealists, and occult objectivism all day. But as soon as you begin to address psychic control systems in those specific terms, you are deep in Williams Burroughs oeuvre. 

Suddenly we’re in a sci-fi western with a dope-addled homosexual cowboy; sure he’s on the nod, but he’s quick with that pistol and don’t you forget it. Author Jason Rodgers concedes his Burroughs influence, directly quoting him multiple times in this collection of essays. Once you’re on benzos and following the road to the Western Lands, it’s all too easy to find yourself in the throes of a yage vision: bright colors, scintillating shapes, glossolalia, and giant bats. Don’t worry, you’ll see them soon enough.

Early on Rodgers makes a passing reference to the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis which reveals more than anything else what he’s getting at here. That thesis states, in short, that the language you speak influences the way you think and experience reality. For that reason it’s also called the theory of linguistic relativity.

As for Rodgers, about 30 pages in I began to question both his methods and his purpose. His explorations rely so heavily on constructing highly abstract semantics to discuss already abstract concepts, such that every topic becomes impossibly arcane. His usage of the word “occult” for example, bears little resemblance to the dictionary definition. While he deftly builds it’s new context, he does so cherry-picking from the works of Jesuit Priest Walter Ong, linguist Walter Truett Anderson, Anarchist Feral Faun, modern occultist Jason Louv and the band Throbbing Gristle. His citations relate only in extremis. That kind of contortion of a word’s denotation strikes me as disingenuous; perhaps even polemic.

After another 150 pages, it all starts to make sense: defunct Anarchist journals, Gnostic morality plays, Nintendo death camps, Primitivists with smartphones, Dionysian technocrats, narcotic misanthropy, atavistic video game messiahs, Trotskyist happenstance, guerilla ontology, cybernetic worker collectives, discordian ziggurats, nihilist lizard dreams… Do you see the bats yet?

Let it not go unsaid that Jason Rodgers is a hard man to read, and perhaps an even harder man to like, but that doesn’t mean he’s wrong. The horror is how right he is. (Jose Fritz)

Invisible Eye

Issue #1 – $5

Fluke Publishing

PO Box 1547

Phoenix, AZ. 85001

This zine starts abruptly and drops you right into the deep end. Rows of symbols: diamond, triangle, square, cross, inverted triangle, stacked shapes, shapes within shapes… The key for that first code appears 5 pages later. It’s not a skeleton key. It’s a sign that the codes are real, decipherable and not part of the decor. But by then you’ve already read past some collage art from the dark side of the moon, 27 more lines of cipher text, and some paranoid science fiction. An explanation as to the purpose of encoding the text follows.

I broke out my old Codes and Ciphers book from 1939; not a foundational text book by any measure, but what I had on hand. The first cipher looks like an old-school Louis XIV letter substitution code. I broke it that first evening with a frequency analysis formula. It’s a well-executed monoalphabetic code. It’s not meant to defeat the NSA, just to prevent random discovery. 

In the late evening I transcribed the rest while listening to Ike Reilly, and then finally read the Invisible Eye. It was a fully developed mythology with tales of psychic propaganda and radical geometry. The text is rife with paradoxes and symbology. But it’s not my place to bring their message to you. I’m indoctrinated now. It’s incumbent upon each apprentice to crack the codes themself and through the process become immersed in the word virus. It reminds me of the time I wrote Shepard Fairey a letter: “Wish to obey. Await further instruction.” But it’s now incumbent on me to promulgate model with a reciprocal code:

YKTTRGD GY TVHKTLLOGF, AFR HKOXAEB AKT ZGMI YWFRADTFMAS IWDAF KOUIML AFR RAMA TFEKBHMOGF OL GFT GY MIT ZALOE DTAFL MG HKGMTEM MITD. MITKTYGKT MGGSL SOQT TFEKBHMOGF, GZYWLEAMOGF AFR EKBHMGUKAHIB AKT DTKTSB A FAMWKAS TVMTFLOGF GY MIAM ORTA.(Jose Fritz)

NXOEED

Issue #2 – $5

Fluke Publishing

PO Box 1547

Phoenix, AZ. 85001

At first blush the pages are mostly filled with pen drawings of scary faces. Melting goblin looking creatures straight out of a 1970’s Hobbit thing. Just in time for the decriminalization of magic mushrooms. This issue also has a few words explaining the madness operating here. The art school and punk rock collision that brings us to zine making. This short essay tells of the pre-internet days and having to go great lengths to letter head a flier or what have you. This zine then offers up a few “sick-as-fuck” alphabets as well as creatures for you to use on future projects. All hand made. So unplug your 3-D printer and make art everywhere. (egg)

PLAY WITH ME a puppet kit

www.LaurieBerenhaus.com

This came in the mail without any indication if it’s for sale. A very tiny publication about the size of a matchbox. Inside is art to cut up and assemble into puppets. Great fun for your DIY take on world events. Tired of sham trials of police misconduct, Q Anon chat rooms, press conferences for dictators??? Here’s your chance to be the one who pulls the strings.(egg)

Suburban Utopia Project #15

theuncivilsociety.com

The (Un)Civil Society is a regular thing to arrive at our door — say every 3 months. It always has the same aesthetics with its booklet and it always comes with a CD of music (which we couldn’t play). Always the pages have an austere computer layout of lyrics that are oblique and political. Always the graphics are ugly. This issue contemplates “Society of the Spectacle” in relation to events of present day pandemic and nuclear capitalism. It’s all a bit alienating at the same time having something underneath it all that’s kinda heartfelt and mushy. At least the paper is glossy and will likely outlive the Walgreens down the block. (egg)

Here’s a sample of the cool printed matter sent to us. The regular suspects this time around — who gave us some irregular things to consider. The underground press is like a scented garden of the mind. Won’t you taste the root?

a14 – Book Review: The book on not getting booked

Book Review: Representing Radicals: A Guide for Lawyers and Movements, By Tilted Scales Collective (AK Press, 2021)

by Paul Hartman

The last time I was summoned to court seems like a lifetime ago. I had been arrested in connection with a protest, spent a few nights in jail, and thought I was off the hook when they let me out without charges. But then, shortly after, new charges showed up in my mailbox. And thus began a nearly year-long ordeal that I ended by pleading out before trial.

At the time, I was incredibly lucky to have access to a team of local National Lawyers Guild (NLG) lawyers who assisted in my case. This was a time when you could count the number of “political cases” in the city on your hands, whereas in today’s political landscape—the escalating protests since Trump’s election, then the George Floyd rebellion—these numbers have skyrocketed. These days, more and more people are finding themselves caught up in the legal system with charges stemming from activism and political action. And with these numbers on the rise, it becomes more and more crucial to find lawyers who can work with the people who often bring an entirely new perspective to the case.

This is where the Tilted Scales Collective’s Representing Radicals comes in, a new and incredibly thorough guide for assisting lawyers working with clients from radical political backgrounds. In tandem with the collective’s 2017 A Tilted Guide To Being A Defendant, these books are invaluable resources for attorneys and defendants—or potential defendants—alike. While primarily intended for those doing the representing, Representing Radicals can offer numerous insights into the dynamics of facing the legal system for the defendants as well. While working with the NLG was often much smoother than it would be with a public defender or private attorney, this book would still have significantly improved our ability to think and strategize about our cases.

The book begins by laying out why the attorney-defendant dynamic will likely differ significantly when involving those with radical politics or political charges. To demonstrate this, the authors elucidate their framework for three areas in thinking about success dealing with charges. These three areas are legal, personal, and political. While lawyers are of course well-versed in the former, bringing the latter categories into the discussion allows for a more balanced vision of success to emerge between the defendant and their attorney. These three areas certainly overlap, as the authors note, but can be summarized as follows: legal goals refer to goals in the courtroom, personal goals address the needs of the charged individual, and political goals analyze how the case affects the movements that the defendants participate in.

The book then moves to address numerous scenarios that radical defendants often face. These situations—like the use of infiltrators or grand juries—can be unfamiliar to both attorneys and those subjected to them. The Tilted Scales Collective draws on decades of experiences to cover quite a bit of ground on the kinds of scenarios that radicals could potentially find themselves in. 

Next, the authors address the specific dynamics of attorney-defendant relationships and interactions. As noted in the book, it can be immensely supportive for first-time defendants to even have the legal process explained to them. This section not only assists lawyers in understanding their relation with clients who might have different perspectives than they are used to, but can also be helpful in preparing defendants or future defendants in what to expect as their case proceeds.

After discussing the relationship between the attorney and the defendant, Representing Radicals offers some perspectives on the relationship between the lawyer and people supporting the defendant. Again drawing on a wealth of experiences, the authors examine many different ways this support could and has looked like in the past, and how to facilitate the best possible relationship between this organizing and the legal team. Additionally, those facing charges can easily draw on these examples to help shape the support they would like to see during their case.

The final chapter is dedicated primarily to discussing how defendants, their attorneys, and their supporters could interact and engage with the media. Rather than simply embracing a complete rejection of media engagement, they break it down in helpful ways that allow everyone involved to weigh the potential gains and drawbacks of different forms of engagement, or lack thereof. This balanced overview is useful for facilitating clear discussions on possible engagement between those in different roles. In a way, this could summarize the approach of the entire book: offering a variety of experiences and perspectives on the many different goals and strategies that radicals may choose to pursue, allowing for the most straightforward communication between attorney and defendant as possible.

Representing Radicals arrives as a crucial resource in a time marked by increasing political conflict and repression. With an introduction from Lauren Regan, a helpful glossary, and a substantial number of short contributions throughout the book from various attorneys sharing their experiences, the book is a must-read for anyone currently involved in legal organizing, as well as anyone who anticipates ending up on the wrong side of the law—which, in 2022, could easily be any one of us.