Slingshot Box

Welcome to the Green Issue, Spring 1999 and our 11th Birthday! Hard to imagine that a project such as Slingshot could survive this long. Through the years we’ve refined our process from painful, dreaded meetings, to politically vital and most importantly fun and productive collective discussions. We’re looking forward to new improvements, additions, and maybe even new projects. We now do layout with custom Slingshot armbands and headbands, plenty of chocolate, and even pesto and singing. We still use wax and scisors, not computers, to give it the authentic Slingshot look and allow as many people as possible to participate in the process.

This past month we’ve welcomed some revolutionary computer geeks, who are working hard to improve our online presence. We’ve added to the Slingshot Archives, and will continue to enhance the site, so you’ll be able to see our changes through the years. We hope, eventually, to have complimentary online components, publishing things on the web that we can’t or don’t print. Are you interested in anything specific on the website? We’ve moved the site to http://www.tao.ca/~slingshot. They are an interesting online squatting space, check them out. You can also send your articles, comments or whatever to us at our new email address slingshot@tao.ca. This will reliably have your ideas and articles arrive to Slingshot.

We’re always looking for writers, artists, photographers, editors, distributors and free-thinkers to make the paper better. Slingshot accepts unsolicited articles. Please send a disk if you can.

Slingshot is a quarterly, independent, radical newspaper published in the East Bay since 1988. Editorial decisions about Slingshot are made by the Slingshot collective. Articles do not necessarily represent the opinions of everyone in Slingshot. We welcome debate, discussion and criticism.

Slingshot Volunteer Meeting

Volunteers interested in getting involved in Slingshot can meet with us on April 11 at 4pm. at the Long Haul in Berkeley (see below).

Article Deadline & Next Issue Date

The projected deadline for article submission for Issue #65 is May 18, 1999. Issue #65 is expected to be out on June 3,1999.

Printed March 4, 1999

Volume 1, Number 64 Circulation: 10,000

Slingshot Newspaper

Sponsored by Long Haul
3124 Shattuck Ave.
Berkeley, CA 94705
Phone: (510) 540-0751

Circulation Information

Slingshot is free in the Bay Area and is available at Long Haul and Bound Together Books (SF), plus lots of other places. Contact us if you want to distribute Slingshot for free in the Bay Area.

Subscriptions to Slingshot are $1 per issue (bulk mail pre-paid) or $2 for First Class Mail after the issue comes out. International is $2.50 per issue. Back issues are also available.

Bulk copies are available for 50 cents per issue for 6 or more copies, $1 international.

If you are a subscriber and your mailing label reads “last issue: 64” this is your last issue. Send $ or a card or you’ll be removed from the list. Prisoners get a year free, renewed each year if you write us to say you’re still locked up. Financial hardship subscription extensions for non-prisoners will be considered- send us a card or something. We exchange with other publications and political groups on request. Please let us know if you move. Please send us $$$.

Donate to Slingshot

If you like Slingshot, send us your Money! About $20 per person is great. We also need letters, articles, art and photographs. Send ’em to: 3124 Shattuck Ave., Berkeley, CA 94705.

Letter: Three Strikes

Dear Slingshot,

At present I’m doing 51 years to life for 2-(10851s’) driving a vehilce without the owners consent. Under California’s new 3x strike law, any new felony (3rd felony) requires a 25 to life sentence. In my case, I had 2 joy ridings, and since they are considered felonies under California’s new 3x strike law, I was sentenced to two 25 to life terms plus a 1 year prison prior enhancement.

I already had two prior strikes dating back to 1985 and since the 3x strike law of 1994 was applied retroactively, well, my prior qualified me for the 3x strikes and your out provision.

I am not taking this laying down but rather, I’m reaching out to organizations and publisists as well as political powers to try and be heard.

F.A.C.T.S. [Families to Amend California’s Three Strikes-see address below-ed.] is trying to gain public support and rally up public awareness to the unjustifiable application of the 3x strike law. Their goal is to limit the application of the 3x strike law, so that it would only apply to serious and violent felonies.

It makes me feel good when I write to someone. By reaching out and expressing my views, concerns and beliefs, I feel that there is hope, and that someday my circumstance will change because “I didn’t take it laying down.”

p.s. 51 years to life, for a two minor wobbler offenses; has society forgotten that I’m someones’ brother, uncle, and son?

God Bless, Jesse Gomez, K-626067, Pelican Bay State Prison, B.6.224, PO Box 7000, Crescent City, CA 95531.

To contact Families to Amend California’s Three Strikes, contact PO Box 21613, San Jose, CA 95151, 408-977-2121. They are pushing legislation to amend Three Strikes.

Millions for Mumia March

The Millions for Mumia rally in Philadelphia, PA on April 24, 1999. Why?

– To show that the Mumia case is one of an imprisoned individual fighting against the repressive state.

– To show the anarchist movement can cooperate despite differences, different groups and tendencies.

– To be visible, fly the black flag of anarchism, to hand out fliers or newspapers giving an anarchist view of the case, to shout anarchist slogans.

9 To try to steer the movement toward more militancy.

The call is merely a general call for an increased anarchist presence. Any other/better ideas? You don’t like it? Contact us at: email: jmcintosh@wvwise.org or post: Black Bloc c/o P 563 Morgantown, WV 26507.

Healing Global Wounds

Honoring the Mother
Mother’s Day, May 7-10
Nevada Test Site

Western Shoshone lands were stolen for the creation of the Nevada Test Site where ongoing subcritical nuclear weapons tests are going on with regularity. On Mother’s Day there will be a gathering to demand an end to all nuclear weapons development programs and an immediate halt to the dumping of deadly nuclear waste on the land. The epicenter for the nuclear industry is at the Nevada Test Site, but many organizations are organizing local events in order to visibly demonstrate the links in the nuclear chain and show widespread solidarity and respect for mothers standing in defense of their lands, families and cultural rights.

The Spring Gathering will include a Mother’s Day brunch and rally at the Test Site gates; community building, nonviolence training, daily sunrise ceremonies and sweat lodges, Atomic Cafe, campfires and drumming.

For more information contact: Healing Global Wounds, PO Box 420, Tecopa, CA 92389. Phone 760-852-4175.

hgw@scruznet.com
http://www.shundahai.org/HGW/

Women's History Project

The Women’s guerrilla history project is a group of women who make posters of important, inspirational, amazing women and then wheatpaste the posters all over San Francisco. The goal is to make a more visible and public presense of women’s history, to allow the everyday random passerby to learn something of women’s history and then wonder why these accomplishments aren’t really celebrated or even known about.

The project started last March to celebrate women’s history month. There have been posters of religious leaders, artists, political prisoners, family members, all sorts of women. Anyone is fair game, from Margaret Mead and Charlotte Corday to ancient goddesses and Ani DiFranco.

In a city adorned with advertisements which depict stereotypical and/or sexist images of women, it is a powerful statement to plaster the urban landscape with posters of our role models. This isn’t a “Don’t-try-this-at-home” project. Wheatpaste can be found in your local hardware store, in the wallpaper aisle.

Go for it

121 Centre in Danger of Eviction

The 18-year-old 121 Social Centre squat in South London is in danger of being shut down by the police as Slingshot goes to press. A squat for anti-fascists, feminists, folkies, autonomists, socialists, bike enthusiasts, punks, anti-racists, disabled liberationists, prison activists and others, 121 Centre is ready for a riot. They have been occupied 24 hours a day and has been closed to public events for tactical reasons.

The Centre collective and users have produced 2 editions of “South London Stress”, a newsletter exposing gentrification of Brixton and the council’s attacks on 121. By selling the property, Brixton would be loosing its source of cheap entertainment and free advice on legal rights, only to be replaced by corporate profits and high price entertainment. The barricades are up, and 121 Centre is prepared for the probable surprise eviction.

For up to the minute info go to their website

Email to carolyn121@hotmail.com

Police Evict Anti-road Occupation

For years, radical environmentalists, community activists, and traditionalists in England have banded together in a non-violent, direct-action movement to halt the construction of new roads. Road-building bifurcates communities, destroys open space and natural areas, and promotes ever-increasing congestion and pollution through increased car use. The Minnehaha Free State in Minneapolis represents the first major anti-roads effort in the US.

On December 20, 1998, just after 4 am, 7 Rider trucks stormed into a residential Minneapolis neighborhood at dangerously high speeds with their lights turned off. As each drove up beside a different house, men dressed in black piled out, some wearing gas masks, some carrying tear gas canisters, some touting laser-scope assault weapons. Soon an area about the size of a full city block was cordoned off. Helicopters hovered overhead. Sniper units were visible. Six hundred troopers were present in what became the largest police action in Minnesota history.

Inside the houses, young women and men woke to the horror of tear gas-filled rooms (rooms as small as 10′ x 10′ were bombarded with up to five canisters of the toxin). Those who did not vacate quickly discovered troopers penetrating their barricades. The troopers beat some people severely. One woman’s nose was pushed back so hard that it broke. One man had his head beaten bloody as the raiders carried him out of a basement, forcing his head into each stair. Many of the 37 people arrested had pepper spray applied directly and repeatedly to their open eyes. Nearly everyone was denied medical attention.

What heinous crime had we committed that won us such treatment? We had dared to oppose the Minnesota Department of Transportation’s (MnDOT) bureaucratic plan to reroute a highway (HWY 55) through a working class neighborhood and a city park; a reroute that would pave over an old-growth oak savanna, that would destroy sites sacred to the Mdewakanton Dakota, that would threaten the last remaining cold water spring in the Twin Cities; a reroute that for 40 years the neighborhood had fought every step of the way through the legal process.

When the legal system failed them, the community resistance to the HWY 55 reroute invited Big Woods Earth First! to utilize its nonviolent direct action tactics in defense of the area. Through Earth First!, the Mendota Mdewakanton Dakota Community and the American Indian Movement (AIM) became involved in the struggle. The Mendota were the original inhabitants of the condemned area, and were actually promised this-and much more-land by the US government in an 1863 treaty. On August 10 of last year-the day the first homes were scheduled for demolition-Earth First!, the Mendota, AIM and others began a nonviolent occupation on the condemned corridor. The Minnehaha Free State was declared.

A multi-tactic, popular campaign ensued, carried out by a broad-based, cross-cultural coalition. While members of the “Stop the Reroute” neighborhood coalition continued pursuing lawsuits and other legal means, Earth First! set up lockdowns in and around the condemned homes. Tree houses went up. The Mendota Mdewakanton and AIM set up tipis, sacred staffs and a sacred fire and began effective organizing within the native community. Supporters from all over the city brought supplies such as batteries for the radio communications system, food, clothing, tents, and blankets. An empty shed made way for a free store in order to distribute the goods, and occupants shared labor and food in the free kitchen. Late-season victory gardens replaced neatly mowed lawns.

Soon the occupation became a cultural center in the Twin Cities. A stage was erected to host open-mike coffeehouses. The Critical Mass bike ride made a point of swinging by on its monthly routes. Sweats and other Native American ceremonies were held regularly. Over 500 people attended a pow-wow where it was heartwarming to watch scores of families walking past “NO TRESPASSING” signs as if they didn’t even notice them. Our “diggeresque” presence on state-acquired land challenged the very notion that land can be owned at all, especially in light of the fact that half our camp was comprised of American Indians, from whom all land on this continent was stolen in the first place.

The encampment resurrected a repressed collective memory. On two occasions I observed passerby commenting, “This reminds me of the Peoples Park in Berkeley.” Behind the scenes of a political struggle, we were experimenting with an alternative way of living and structuring society. We practiced consensus decision-making, out of which came the Minnehaha declaration:

  • We came here on August 10th, 1998 to protect Minneapolis Green Spaces and to Stop the Reroute of HWY 55 through Minnehaha park.

  • We established the Free State on the principles of nonviolence and group consensus.

  • We demand that HWY 55 not be rerouted through the park and that any “safety improvements” do not increase the road capacity. More road capacity only increases traffic without reducing congestion. We must end our addiction to cars.

  • We demand the preservation of all current green space.

  • We demand the recognition as a sovereign community the Mendota Mdewakanton Dakota.

  • We support the demand of the Mendota Mdewankanton Dakota for the repatriation of their land as laid out in the Act of Congress of 1863.

  • We will not voluntarily leave this site until the rerouting of HWY 55 is canceled, the Mendota Mdewakanton Dakota community recognized as sovereign, and all land claims are upheld.

    MnDOT made a gigantic tactical mistake when it decided to play a waiting game with us, in hopes that we would fade away. This gave us the opportunity to escalate the campaign through banner drops, rallies, door to door outreach and even a hunger strike, and most importantly this gave us the time we needed to build a stronger and wider movement to stop this ever-increasingly unpopular road project.

    The urban setting gave Earth First! an opportunity to unite with other revolutionary struggles. The Free State regularly sent large contingents to Free Mumia protests, anti-police brutality marches, and rallies and civil disobedience to end the bombing and sanctions against Iraq. As a result, many of the people fighting for these causes were drawn into the campaign to stop the reroute. And as a result of Earth First! taking on a fairly mainstream community’s struggle, many seemingly extreme tactics were taken out of the fringe-while not compromising Earth First! principles. Entire elementary school classes would tour the encampment, learning not only how to lockdown to a tripod or concrete barrel, but also why someone might do such a thing.

    The powers that be want Earth First! to be in the fringe. The powers that be want movements like Earth First! and AIM to be unable to work together. The powers that be want communities to be dysfunctional, unable to organize against unpopular projects. In short, the powers that be want to continue as the powers that be, and are therefore strategically opposed to the empowerment of people and communities. In the Minnehaha bioregion, we began to effectively empower communities. As a result, we faced harsh repression. The behavior displayed by police during the first raid (on October 14 to shut off the houses’ utilities), though brutal, was only a taste of things to come. Thereafter we would be heavily infiltrated by provocateurs and informants. And finally, in the cold pre-dawn hours of December 20, though not officially declared, martial law was implemented.

    I have been involved in multi-issue activism and nonviolent resistance to social, economic, political, and ecological injustices for several years now. I’ve encountered the occasional overzealous police officer, but never have I encountered anything like what I experienced on that December night. The torture of the tear gas had already taken its toll on my roommate and me when we locked down to the
    cement-filled fireplace in the basement. Immediately thereafter we heard what sounded like ten or more troopers storming down the stairs. The walls shook violently as they tried to ram down the wall. Frightened voices angrily shouted, “Come out NOW!!!…You’d better come out NOW!!!… You’d better not have any weapons in there!… You’d better have your hands up when we break this wall down cause we’ve got our guns drawn!” The room was dimly lit, and my partner and I felt we were in serious danger of getting shot once the wall came down. We attempted once more, in our pathetic crying voices (from the tear gas), to explain to the police (who should have known) that we were nonviolent. We then unlocked and came out of the room very slowly and very cautiously, to find laser scopes pinpointed on us. Once in custody the troopers immediately demanded, “Where are the booby-traps?” and “Where are the weapons?”.

    Usually officers are trained on how to handle nonviolent demonstrators. Usually they are somewhat embarrassed at worst-never frightened. There was no reason to be frightened, unless they were purposefully being misinformed by superiors, which it seems was the case. I don’t care to speculate about the motive behind disseminating such dis-information, but people could have been killed, and many people were hurt badly, and this was the most horrible night of my life. Yet I was treated better than many of my friends, some of whom were beaten and/or had pepper spray gel rubbed directly in their eyes and mouths in order to get them to unlock.

    Though the manufacturers of pepper spray say explicitly that it should only be used to restrain violent criminals, and never as a pain compliance tool, in late 1997 California police began using it as such against nonviolent Earth First! protesters. The four young women who were tortured with pepper spray (in order to force them to abandon an office occupation against Pacific Lumber) had their excessive force lawsuit thrown out just days before the raid on the Minnehaha Free State. Minnesota state troopers were acting on a national precedent, but they took it even one step further, using pepper gel on some protesters not only as a way to get them to unlock, but even after they were handcuffed and in custody. The perpetrators of this torture can’t possibly offer any justification for these acts, and probably they won’t have to because, unlike the California case where the whole scene was videotaped, in Minnesota they barred the press entirely from the raid. Independent press corps journalist Dick Bancroft was actually arrested. His camera was confiscated, and when it was returned, his film, which had captured the illegal destruction of AIM’s sacred drum, was missing.

    Though the state put us through a living hell, and tried to break our spirits, and though the houses were demolished within hours of the raid, still the old growth oak savanna, the cold water spring and the sacred sites remain, and the campaign to stop the reroute continues. Only days after the raid, protesters returned to the corridor with tipis, buses, tree sits, and other various structures. Complaints and lawsuits-concerning the violations of constitutional and human rights by police during the raid-are underway. Also a judge recently ordered MnDOT to undergo federal mediation with the Mendota and other signers of one lawsuit. Minnehaha Uber Alles!

    To help, contact Governor Jesse Ventura at State Capitol, 175 Constitutional Ave., St. Paul, MN 55155; 651-296-3391, and suggest he cancel this highway project. Contact police chief Robert Olson at 350 5th St., Minneapolis, MN 55415; 612-673-3383, and ask him what’s up with his decision to use pepper-gel? Contact MnDOT Commisioner Elwin Tinklenberg at 395 John Ireland Blvd., St. Paul, MN 55155; 651-296-3000 and ask him who really thinks it’s a good idea to pave a sacred site of inestimable environmental and cultural value? We also need lots of money to help with huge legal costs and continued actions against HWY 55. Send donations c/o Big Woods EF!, POB 580936, Minneapolis, MN 55485.

  • Max Sentence for SF Pie-throwers

    Un-masked Biotic Baking Brigade (BBB) operatives Gerard Livernois, Rahula Janowski and Justin Gross were each sentenced to the maximum six-month jail sentence on February 25 for their November 7 pieing of San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown to protest Brown’s high handed, anti-poor policies. While Brown makes sweetheart deals with developers, spends millions to benefit the rich and powerful, and practices not-so benign neglect towards San Francisco renters who make up the majority of the city, the poor and homeless are literally dying on the streets.

    Despite the crisis on the streets, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Ernest Goldsmith found the BBB’s actions, not Brown’s and the political elites, to be criminal and deserving of a maximum penalty. The judge cited the unrepentant attitude of the defendants and the need to deter others in support of his decision to hand down the maximum sentence. BBB operatives are reportedly concerned at Brown’s unrepentant attitude as well.

    Janowski and Gross were immediately taken to San Francisco County jail, while Livernois is temporarily out on $20,000 bail while he considers an appeal. The three were convicted of battery but acquitted of assaulting a public official in a January jury trial.

    Despite the harsh sentences, BBB operatives consider the action against Mayor Brown extremely effective at raising issues rarely mentioned in the current climate of rising stock prices and glittering developments. Agents of the BBB have informed Slingshot that the struggle against business as usual will continue! To support BBB activities, contact Friends of the Biotic Baking Brigade, 3288 21st Street, #92, San Francisco, CA 94110, 415 267-5976. Contact the BBB by e-mailing BBB_apple@hotmail.com.

    Please support the BBB comrades while they are in jail. They will probably serve at least 4 months of their sentences, and won’t be out until June at the earliest. You can visit them on Saturday or Sunday (and other times). Call the jail at 415 522-8109 to find out about visiting hours. You’ll need an ID and no outstanding warrants. You can also put money on their books so they have money to spend while they’re inside. Bring cash to the 1st floor of the Hall of Injustice, 8th & Bryant.

    You can also write letters of support to Rahula and Justin in jail: Rahula Janowski, #1818075, 8EPOD, 425 7th Street, San Francisco, CA 94103; Justin Gross #1818071, County Jail 8, B-POD, 425 7th St., SF, CA 94103. Also, call the SF District Attorney at 415 553-1754 to express your outrage.

    Free Mumia Abu-Jamal!

    Mumia Abu-Jamal is an award-winning journalist presently on death row. In 1981 he was elected president of the Association of Black Journalists in Philadelphia; as such he consistently exposed police violence and misconduct against the black community.

    In 1982 Jamal was sentenced to death for the killing of police officer Daniel Faulkner. Since then, post- conviction relief appeal hearings have made public the false evidence, police coercion of witnesses and fabricated “confession” that were used to convict Jamal in a blatantly unjust trial.

    The evidence in Mumia’s case points to his innocence.

    Why Did the State Target Mumia?

    Advocates for Mumia Abu-Jamal’s freedom have claimed that he was convicted because of his political beliefs. We think it would be useful to provide some concrete evidence for this assertion:

    Since Jamal joined the Black Panther Party, at the age of 15, the FBI and the Philadelphia police amassed hundreds of pages of surveillance files on Jamal for his opposition to racism and police brutality.

    When he became a journalist, he was a consistent critic of the system and was the only member of the press in Philly to consistently bring the truth to the public about police atrocities committed against MOVE.

    According to Ramona Africa, a surviving member of the bombing of a MOVE house in 1985, the news that a MOVE member’s infant son had been killed by the police, made Jamal take a closer look at the reprehensible treatment of the organization by the police.

    “Mumia’s first contact with MOVE came in 1976, and to this day, Mumia says he always feels bad about the situation. My sister’s (Janine Africa) three week old son was killed by the cops, deliberately knocked from her arms and trampled to death on March 28, 1976…Mumia heard about it, and he had talked to officials, and the officials were saying that it wasn’t true, that there wasn’t a baby [because there was no official record of birth]. But we had birthed babies naturally at home…

    “Mumia was very skeptical about it, but he did come out and talk to MOVE people; and what ended up happening is to really prove to people that the cops did kill our baby. There was a dinner one night at MOVE headquarters and some reporters were invited, some politicians, a couple of city council people, and a few members of the clergy were invited. After dinner, they were shown the baby’s body, and they were messed up. And when Mumia found out about it and realized that there was in fact a baby that had been killed by the cops, he was hurt and upset that he had been skeptical of MOVE and had leaned toward believing the system.

    “He started coming around MOVE more and more and covering MOVE trials, MOVE demonstrations, and confrontations that MOVE had with the police. He was the only reporter that told the true about MOVE,” said Ramona Africa.

    Such activity did not make Jamal the flavor of the month with “Phillies finest.”

    In an 1992 interview from death row in Huntington Prison, Pennsylvania, Jamal said, “…when the confrontation started heating up in Philadelphia in 1977 and 1978-and it was really a very naked level of repression that the Philadelphia police heaped on MOVE-I could not help but draw attention to that, as a reporter. The acting mayor of Philadelphia at the time, Frank Rizzo, and his police started a siege against a MOVE house in Powelton Village in 1977. The siege lasted over one year. By the end, police cut off all water and electricity to the house, but people from the neighborhood and supporters from the city supplied MOVE with the basic necessities. Finally, on August 8, 1978, more than 700 policemen stormed the house. During their action, one policeman was hit in the crossfire of his colleagues. Nine MOVE members who were arrested in the house were later charged and convicted of having jointly killed this one cop. They were all sentenced to 30-100 years in prison, despite the fact that the judge admitted that he didn’t know who had shot the cop.”

    Mumia Abu-Jamal was targeted by the state because he was consistent and effective in exposing the lies the police were propagating in order to justify the unjustifiable brutality meted out to MOVE. Mumia Abu-Jamal was monitoring the cops and exposing their misconduct. Therefore, Jamal is, in part, a martyr for the movement for police accountability, which is why many that oppose police brutality are fighting for his freedom. It is imperative that we defend those who face reprisal for activity that we advocate.

    Militants of the Peace and Freedom Party have organized and participated in community outreach programs so that people that have never heard of Mumia Abu-Jamal can become familiar with this case: we helped plan and organize the December 12, 1998 “Free Mumia” march and rally in Oakland, which was attended by over 1,000 participants . Recently, members of the Peace and Freedom Party were asked to speak at a number of churches in the Bay Area about Mumia’s case.

    Mobilize the Power of the Working Class

    In the struggle to free Mumia Abu-Jamal we are up against some powerful institutions: the courts, police organizations (like the Philadelphia Fraternal Order of Police), corporate owned politicians, etc. To win such an important battle we have to know our enemies, we also need to know the source of our own strength. The capitalists who rule this society are dependent on scores of millions of workers who make this system run, and who can also bring this system to a screeching halt. That is the source of our power, and we must learn how to use it.

    On November 2, the National Association of Broadcast Employees and Technicians (NABET), who had been working without a contract for over a year and a half, went on a one-day strike against the American Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), which is owned by the Walt Disney Inc. The next day they were locked out for three months by ABC-TV. During this time, Mumia Abu-Jamal refused to allow a scab ABC crew to interview him, this in turn has lead to many unions opening their doors to Jamal supporters and many unions passing resolutions in support of Jamal’s principal stand and his cause. Already, labor councils in Alameda, San Francisco, and Seattle, just to name a few, have passed resolutions calling for a new trial for Jamal. To help turn these resolutions into concrete actions a Labor Action Committee has been formed in the Bay Area, composed of class conscious and active trade unionists.

    When a warrant for Jamal’s execution was signed in June 1995 by Pennsylvania governor Ridge, there was enormous opposition form worker organizations worldwide. In South Africa almost all of the main unions joined the movement to save Jamal. In Italy and France, national labor federations took up his cause. Journalist unions throughout the world weighed in for their fellow writer. Recently, February 19, 1999, I received the following information:

    “The World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) fully supports the call for national and international actions on April 24, 1999 around the two central demands: (1) Stop the Execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal and (2) For a Fair Trial Now!

    “The WFTU will mobilize its affiliates and associates in 130 countries in this campaign…

    Fraternally, Alexander Zharikov,General Secretary, WFTU” When the Oakland’s teachers union, the Oakland Educational Association, voted to hold a Teach-In about Mumia Abu-Jamal and the Death Penalty there was considerable controversy. The event drew criticism from a member of the Oakland School Board, Noel Gallo and Oakland NAACP President, Shannon Reeves, a staunch Republican. They both argued that the Mumia Teach-In would divert students from their academics studies. Union members argued that a study of Mumia Abu-Jamal’s case in particular and the death penalty and judicial system in general would only enhance the academic skills of the students.

    Then, just days before the teach-in, an Oakland police officer was shot and killed. O
    akland Police Chief Samuels and City Manager Robert Bobb et al, with the help of the media, began to systematically propagate the “bright idea” that if Oakland teachers went ahead with their teach-in, it would be an act of disrespect toward the slain cop’s family. Despite this cynical attempt to derail this important event, the Oakland teachers voted to go ahead with the Teach-In and successfully carried it through. This was a victory for movement to Free Mumia Abu-Jamal.

    In addition, the public debate generated by this ill-fated attempt to prevent the children of Oakland from learning about this vital issue has turned Mumia Abu-Jamal into a household phrase. For nearly two weeks articles about the Teach-In could be found in the pages of the local and national press.

    Similarly the forces of reaction got egg in their faces (and considerable publicity for Jamal’s cause) when they tried, in vain(!), to stop the benefit concert for Jamal put on by Rage Against the Machine.

    Why is it that the authorities in Oakland and elsewhere in America, don’t want young people, or any people for that matter, to learn about the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal?

    For the past two decades the American ruling class has increased the exploitation of the working class and cut back all social programs that helped the poor. Therefore, the powers that be clearly understand that they are sitting on top of some very unhappy campers. They live in fear that a spark of social protest could start a social explosion. That is why they have vastly increased the powers of state repression, including frame-ups.

    At the same time, the ruling class recognizes the need to maintain the illusions that the judicial system-the cops, courts, and prisons-are neutral and fair. They know and fear that the illusions in their judicial system are being threatened by the fact that more and more people are finding out about the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal, an innocent man on deathrow. The ultimate injustice! They know that if we study and understand what happened to Mumia we will better understand how this system really works, who it works for — and who it doesn’t work for.

    Mumia Abu-Jamal’s case is an indictment of the system. That’s why the powers that be don’t want the people to know about him.

    Nonetheless, Mumia continues to speak out against injustice from inside prison walls, despite efforts by the Philadelphia Police and the national Fraternal Order of Police to stop him. Ironically, years after Mumia began to speak out against the Philly police, the U.S. Justice Department was compelled to investigate and prosecute elements of the department for brutality and corruption, resulting in the imprisonment of a number of cops (including the officer in charge the night Jamal was arrested) and the release of many of their frame-up victims. It is not likely that Jamal will be released in this manner. It is up to us to build a movement so powerful that the political price will be too high for the American rulers to execute this innocent man.

    FREE MUMIA ABU-JAMAL!

    Panther Reconvicted Stacked Jury

    Albert Woodfox, longtime Black Panther Activist at the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola, was re-convicted in December of the 1972 murder of a prison guard. On February 23, he was sentenced to life without parole. Despite a long paper trail of evidence suggesting a frame-up by Angola autho6tes, a mostly white jury took only about five hours to convict Woodfox of the crime.

    Prior to his retrial, Woodfox had served over 24 years in solitary confinement. Now that he has been sentenced, he fully expects to be returned to Angola’s isolation unit.

    Fellow Panther Herman ‘Hooks’ Wallace was also convicted of the murder. Serving his 27th year of continuous solitary confinement, Wallace, without a lawyer, is still trying to win a reversal of his original conviction (as a result of the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act, Wallace may have less than one year to submit a federal petition for writ of habeas corpus.

    In 1971, Woodfox and Wallace founded a chapter of the Black Panther Party at Angola. Up to the point the guard, Brent Miller, was killed, the Panthers assembled a stellar record as inmate organizers. Among their proudest achievements was their campaign to end the rape and prostitution that dominated Angola’s inmate culture.

    The Angola Panthers made a campaign against sexual slavery the centerpiece of their efforts to improve prison conditions. Realizing that disunity among inmates was the biggest obstacle to organizing against the authorities, the Panthers risked their lives to protect younger, weaker inmates from sexual predators.

    Within a short time after its formation, the Angola Chapter of the Black Panther Party was attracting large crowds to its meetings on the yards. The Panthers held political education classes for their fellow inmates and organized their dormitories and tiers on a collective basis.

    Of course, – the Panthers’ success in organizing inmates posed a grave threat to the corrupt administration of the prison. Angola, which is a massive amalgam of old plantations whose slaves came from the African country of the same name, was guarded by an all-white staff, many of whose families had lived on the prison grounds for several generations. Guards, or “free folk” as they are called, reflecting Angola’s slaveholding past, had devised many schemes by which to divert Angola’s resources for their own enrichment. Most notably, free folk often stole prison- grown food, which was intended for inmates’ mouths, and gave it to their families or sold it in town.

    The Panthers worked to expose such graft, and, predictably, incurred the wrath of the good old boy administration. So, when Officer Miller turned up dead, stabbed 32 times, on April 17, 1972, Woodfox and Wallace were natural targets.

    Only one person, an inmate named Hezekiah Brown, claimed to have witnessed the murder. Originally, he said he could not identify the killers, who were wearing handkerchiefs over their faces. However, after a few days of grilling by investigators (and, we now know,. the promise of a payoff), Brown identified’ Wallace and Woodfox, along with two other inmates, Chester Jackson and Gilbert Montegut, as the killers.

    Woodfox was tried alone and convicted in 1973. The other three defendants were tried together. On the second day of trial, Chester’ Jackson returned from lunch with the prosecution team, announcing he had made a deal. After being allowed only a half hour to regroup, the defendants’ lawyer cross- examined his former client, Chester Jackson. Despite his obvious conflicts of interest, the defense attorney was forced to proceed, and Wallace was convicted. Montegut was acquainted. Even An ola’s then-warden, C. Murray Henderson, now admits that Montegut was framed for his perceived “militancy.”

    In 1992, Woodfox finally succeeded in having his conviction overturned. Lacking a lawyer, his briefing was prepared by fellow Panther Robe@ “King” Wilkerson. (Wilkerson has also spent 27 years in isolation, convicted of killing a prison rapist).

    When the state convened a grand jury to reindict Woodfox, it stacked the deck in its own favor. One of the grand jurors, Anne Butler, was married to C. Murray Henderson, the warden who presided over the original murder investigation. Together, the two had written a book about Angola, entitled Dying to Tell. The first chapter is about the Miller lolling, and it presumes the guilt of Woodfox and Wallace. Nevertheless, and despite Woodfox’s objections, Butler was allowed to serve on the grand jury. (in a bizarre case of poetic justice, Henderson was sentenced in January to 50 years, convicted of attempted murder alter shooting his wife, Anne Butler, five times.)

    Woodfox’s December trial was marked by prejudicial testimony and an overwhelming lack of evidence. No physical evidence linked Woodfox or Wallace to the murder. A bloody fingerprint found near Millees body matched none of the defendants. Despite having on file the fingerprints of every Angola inmate, investigators made no effort to find out who the print belonged to.

    Because they could produce no physical evidence, the prosecution relied on inflammatory evidence of Woodfox’s political beliefs, as well as the testimony of two inmates, both of whose credibility is in doubt. The state’s star witness was inmate Hezekiah Brown. Now dead, Brown testified at the original trials that he saw Woodfox, his face obscured, stab Miller. At December’s trial, his testimony was read to the jury. We now know that Brown was paid for this testimony. Internal DOC memoranda show that Warden Henderson promised Brown one carton of cigarettes per week in exchange for his testimony. In addition, by 1974, only five years after Brown had been sentenced to death for aggravated rape, the Warden, the District Attorney, the Deputy Sheriff, and other prosecution officials were campaigning for immediate and unconditional release for Brown. Brown finally received clemency, and was released, in 1986.

    At Woodfox’s December trial, the state’s other star witness was inmate Leonard ‘Specs’ Turner. When he took the stand, Turner denied having any – information implicating Woodfox. However, the prosecution was allowed to impeach him with an unsigned, undated statement, in a guard’s handwriting, in which Turner allegedly stated that he saw Woodfox and Wallace fleeing the murder scene.

    Facing the rest of his life in solitary confinement, Woodfox somehow maintains his spirit of unending struggle. Only hours after his sentencing, he said, “This revolutionary is as strong as ever, and will continue to baftle no matter what.”

    For more information, or to offer support (especially legal help), contact the Angola 2 Support Committee, P.O. Box 15644, New Orleans, LA 70175, (504) 227-5946. The Prison Activist Resource Center is hosting an Angola 2 website at www.prisonactivist.org/angolatwo.