Occupy the Trauma – still struggling with PTSD years after Occupy Oakland

By Fallen Flower

I was doing okay five years ago. I had steady employment as a teacher, and was training to start a new job when the shutdown of Occupy Oakland happened, and some high-born roommates in my co-op insisted that I join their group at the protest that day.

I just moved in, and hadn’t told my roommates about my past: That I had grown up in low-income housing and had spent nearly a year homeless as a teenager. Sure I’d made it through college and must have, but I was still struggling every day to create a sense of personal safety in my life.

One of the roommates, a Yale graduate, sat down next to me a few hours after the Occupy shutdown, and told me if I didn’t got down to protest it, I was “part of the problem,” that I would regret it years later. She was quite persistent, and not willing to let it go until I agreed to go with her.

At the protest, we met up with other roommates, and after enduring a round of teargas and flash bang grenades, they all left. One of them asked if I was coming with them as they headed to BART, but my brain wasn’t able to make sense of his words. I wandered around the mayhem for hours after that, trying to regain my bearings, to regain my sense of reality.

In the five years since that night, I’ve dealt with severe PTSD, such as anxiety attacks, flashbacks, and suddenly going into shock. I tried going back to work as a teacher after the incident, but for the first time ever, I emotionally broke down in the classroom and I haven’t been able to face a classroom of students since. Something in me broke that night. I’ve tried holding down other jobs, but can’t keep them for long, as my anxiety tends to surface in some way employers aren’t cool with. One boss for example had a habit of grabbing people’s shoulders from behind and shaking them. Another boss became distrustful of me after I turned down an offer to join him and a local police chief for dinner.

An irrational side of me blames my former housemates for my PTSD. But I know it’s not their fault. Sure, I was bullied into going down to the protest that day. But who could have guessed the police would have turned Oakland into a firestorm? The things that happened that night were staged, I believe, with the intent to traumatize people. It is crazy-making to have fireworks shot at your head. Or lead-filled beanbags. Or tear gas. Other cities use pepper spray, but (at least in 2011) Oakland was the only city in the country using actual tear gas, even though it’s known to contain chemicals that specifically harm women and can lead to mischarges, birth defeats, and reproductive problems.

Flashbacks from that night haunt me everyday. I get the shakes. My guts tense up. Sometimes I vomit. A flashback hit me on the subway the other day and I vomited on the empty seat next to me.

The police turned Oakland into a hell-scape. I saw an elderly black man fall to the ground covered in his own pee, disoriented and humiliated as the yellow gas wafted all around. I saw a young blond man on the ground after he got hit in the head by one of the police projectiles. I later learned he was Scott Olsen, a military vet who had served 2 tours of duty in Iraq only to come back and get his head knocked in. Where I was standing that night, it looked like blood was dripping from Mr. Olsen’s eye sockets.

According to information released a few months later (see below), the shutdown of Occupy camps around the country was a coordinated effort between the FBI and big banks. That was why the shutdowns were almost simultaneous across the country, rather than different cities shutting down camps at their own rates, or not shutting their camps down at all. The banks used the police to harm and terrorize American citizens. How can I face a classroom of students after what I’ve seen? What do I say to them about the society in which they live?

I’m not in touch with my old roommates anymore, but if I were, I wish I’d told them to fuck off that night, rather than letting myself get bullied into going so that shutdown protest. I wish I had set better boundaries. Maybe they also got traumatized. But all of them had families to rely on and moneyed support networks, which helped them to emotionally recover afterwards, sending them on expensive vacations, helping them talk through their feelings, paying for their therapy and yoga classes. As for me, I’m a kite without a string. I didn’t have the network or money to recover, to build my life back.

If there is one thing I want people to know: If someone isn’t emotionally ready to go to a protest, don’t twist their arm. Sure, they may seem like they have the same past and support network as you, but don’t assume. Also, don’t pull someone into a protest unless you are ready to be there for them afterwards, and to keep an eye on their healing. I felt completely abandoned by my roommates, at the protest and after, as they continued to orate about the issues, rather than checking in in a meaningful way to see if everyone was really okay. This can create a cycle of trauma in which, directs people away from recovering, people start to politically bully others.

Later, when I tried to talk to the woman who pressured me into going to the protest, she shut me down as I tried to talk about my emotions and showed me video footage of a horrific New Orleans City Council Meeting she’d experienced in which the police tasered members of the public who were attempting to speak about a shady gentrification. I felt for her, having experienced such an awful moment of state violence—I could hear her voice screaming in the video as a reverend was being tasered in city hall—but her bitterness about that event, and about the futility of the eventual loss of all those people’s homes, this made it hard for her to hear me as I tried to voice my pain. I’m sure my bitterness and PTSD after the OO shutdown likewise made it hard for me to hear others. Perhaps this is how oppression works: a cycle of one heart being calcified after another.

Now our nation is in a state of dire poverty, with more than 50% of Americans holding less than $1000 to their names. The big banks have continued to do the same type of risky lending that caused the housing crisis, and schools, hospitals, and all social services are being gutted and made private. Occupy didn’t change anything for the American poor, and the middle class has vanished. Many of us who tried to stop this downward spiral five years ago are still dealing with the trauma dealt to us in a rigged game played by corporations under the guise of the state. What do we do with al this hurt when more just keeps on coming?

Learn more about the FBI & big bank coordination of the Occupy shutdowns: www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/dec/29/fbi-coordinated-crackdown-occupy

 

Never mind the ballots – towards large scale horizontal decision making

by Poll Cat

Over the last half century, an incredible decision-making process has emerged known as consensus, a process based on the radical idea that the group will not move forward on a decision unless every member is on board. Blossoming out of the Free Speech Movement, consensus process has been adopted in homes, workplaces, collectives, and community organizations as a way to make decisions with less interference from pre-existing hierarchies such as race, class, age, and gender. Consensus isn’t perfect, but it creates a framework for problem solving that offers a model of greater equality than the “rule of the privileged” that tends to happen in small groups by default.

Now, as consensus has expanded to countless spaces across the globe, it is a great time for anarchists to turn our creativity outwards, gazing past the edges of our communities, and begin strategizing better to make decisions and solicit opinions on a massive scale. Because even if we try to ignore it, the large-scale political machine affects our daily lives in so many ways. The broken system of corporate-dominated voting and lobbying controls our resources and has a stranglehold on our ecology, education, healthcare, and so many other social services. If we can dream up new, better ways of gaining and responding to public opinion we may be able to more rapidly move towards a world with a healthier, more sustainable human presence.

And, while Consensus works great in small, intimate groups, it becomes unwieldy on a large scale. This means we have to start thinking outside the box and come up with some new tactics. Some groups have already started working on just that.

Secure Polling System (SPS)

For the last few years, Hackers in Oakland have been developing the early framework for an idea called Secure Polling System. SPS would allow you to vote anonymously and securely, ensuring there’s exactly one vote per person.

How it works is you initially register with an office that verifies your identity. You then get a unique encryption key, allowing you to vote using your identity while simultaneously hiding your identity too. (Woo, encryption!)

This polling software would be open-source, so anyone with a little coding knowledge could verify that it’s counting the votes properly, preventing the types of “glitches” found in closed-source voting software, such as during the 2004 election in which a “software glitch” in the public voting machines caused the Republican candidate to receive 4,258 votes in Franklin County, Ohio — where only 638 people voted.

With open source software, things like that wouldn’t happen, or at least they’d be a lot easier to catch ahead of time.

Also, SPS would allow a radical redesign of how and when we solicit opinions. People could create their own opinion polls any time, soliciting others to respond to issues that might have been overlooked in our current (big-money-favoring) system of deciding what even gets to be presented to the public for voting. SPS could allow types of large-scale self-organizing without having a corporate filter between us and the opinions of others. It would be a move towards reimagining our society as one that is more responsive to each other’s needs, and with greater empowerment for those ready to voice the changes they want to see made.

To help with the development of this project, please visit securepollingsystem.org or @SecurePolling on twitter.

Liquid Democracy

Imagine every aspect of decision-making is broken down by topic and region, and each of us has a vote within every topic in our respective regions.

So, I’m going to get several education votes (a neighborhood one, a civic one, an eco-regional one, a bioregional one, and a national one), several urban design votes (nbr’hd, civic, e’rgn, b’rgn, nat’l), and likewise I’d get votes in topics like the arts, means of production, commerce, ecology, health care, etc. The goal is to break down all the decisions presently made by elected officials and divide them into accessible, sensible categories in which every person has exactly one person’s say.

A form of this governance was tried out in Iceland shortly after their Revolution in 2009, and they discovered a problem: making all the decisions about everything takes hecka time. Like 6 hours a day or something. Who wants to spend all day voting? We still have to live our lives! So, hackers came up with a solution: what if you can give your vote away to someone else to vote in your place? This is why it’s call Liquid Demoracy. You get to move your votes around.

So, for example, I might give all of my education votes to my sister, who’s a teacher, and is already researching the issues in education. And I might give my arts votes to my artist friend. And I might give my transportation votes to Jesse Palmer of Slingshot, who has an awesome grand vision to revise the transportation system to make everywhere accessible by a train-to-bicycle infrastructure.

In the meantime, I will keep my civic planning vote, because I’m personally involved with work to create community farms and develop a resilient local food supply. In fact, this is a topic I want to devote myself to, so I might try to gather lots of other people’s votes on it. I’ll put up fliers and speak at public meetings. As people give me their urban planning votes, my voting power might jump from 1 vote to 300 to 30,000 in local and national urban planning. This gives me a lot of say in every decision that goes through on this topic. People can take their vote back from me at any time if they don’t like a decision I made. To help keep my voters & the public up-to-date about how I’m using their vote, I might have a daily video blog in which I summarize all the decisions I made that day, and explain why I made them. I might also build coalitions with top voters in other categories, so to strategize how my urban planning decisions fit in with what’s going down in education, art, etc. Also, all the decisions I make are viewable by anyone whose vote I hold, so there’s a level of transparency. I’ll also have daily video blogs explaining my decisions so members of the public can better understand the work I’m doing.

Liquid Democracy represents a radical restricting of the social order, and it would also drastically change the media surrounding politics. The great thing about this voting system is it keeps public decision-making very public, and, in moments in which you’ve decided to let yourself be represented by someone, you have a great deal of power over how long that person may represent you.

It is a model of decision-making that better matches a society with our communication technology, and also helps avoid corruption in politics by preventing the existence of entrenched figures who you’re stuck with as representatives for 2-4+ years no matter what how shitty their decisions are after they are in office. Liquid Democracy means politicians have to represent their constituents, or they lose them immediately.

Sure, this system has flaws, but nothing compared to the present system of political oligarchy.

Liquid democracy software called “Liquid Feedback” is now being used on a small-scale by the Pirate Party in parts of Germany, Italy, Austria, Norway, France, and the Netherlands (check it out at www.liquidfeedback.org). Spain, being Spain, has developed its own separate liquid democracy software which can be found at agoravoting.com. Coders in Belgium are still working on their liquid democracy software called “Get Opinionated,” and they are looking for help finishing it at github.com/getopinionated/.

Art of Resistance

By Melissa

This is the story of a self-started food recovery program. It came into existence when I was working at a fancy bakery. The bakery was my first food service job and I was naively appalled by the amount of food, a lot of pastries and pizza, they threw out. Everyone else in the profession seemed unfazed. It’s the way things worked. Tired of seeing the food get thrown out, I started bringing the food to shelters and community organizations at the end of every night the bakery was open.

On the surface this project seems like yet another landfill diversion initiative, an offspring of Food Not Bombs. Except what I really want to argue for in doing this writing is for art as an incentive for common good. A lot of people dismiss art as a luxury for the rich. However, my background is in art and in my art practice I have been trying to find some meaning in art-making that dispels this. My motivation for doing this project was to at first make it a performance art piece: the ritual of taking away the unsold food every night to somewhere it could get eaten. Without the motive of art I don’t think I would have bothered at all.

Food waste is still such a hot button topic that there is a Wikipedia page for it. It totes well-advocated numbers like: one-third of all food produced for human consumption globally is lost or wasted (about 1.3 billion tons per year). I never had the nerve to ask my temperamental boss why so much extra food was consciously made. My one colleague, also a food service rookie, deduced it was because making 20 sandwiches probably cost the near same as making 10. So if they sold them all it would be double the profit.

But back to doing art and doing-it-yourself. After a few weeks of working at the bakery and nightly drop-offs I tried getting the nearby shelter and Food Not Bombs group to pick-up the food, maybe one night a week. It didn’t work. There was too much bureaucracy at the shelter and the local Food Not Bombs chapter at the time was chaired by passionate vegans so the dairy-filled bakery food was denied for serving. I tried contacting the biggest food recovery organization in the city to get some support – not a peep back. Too busy chasing bigger fish. Once in (one of many moments of) desperation I even asked a parking officer on the street near the bakery if he could pick-up food during his route. He awkwardly declined. Turns out they don’t do the same route every night. There was a lot of rejection from places that supposedly existed to help, to the point where I finally decided to put up posters to find volunteers myself to pick-up food. Miraculously, people responded.

Doing all this involved meeting a lot of people and I got really interested in the people I was meeting. There were my bakery colleagues and the volunteer couriers. There were the folks at the bike co-op where the food went to every Friday for a free meal served Saturday. There were the front-line workers at the women’s shelter. One night when I offered food to someone working at the shelter she declined and explained to me she didn’t eat throughout her entire 12-hour overnight shelter shift. She only drank water. I was enraptured. Wanting to talk to people and learn more about them can be difficult when you have social anxiety. Here, art comes again to make up for what I lack. If I was interviewing them for my art project they would have to talk to me! I started a book documenting the folks who I thought were terribly fascinating (and would talk to me back). Among the interviews include the topics of: dumpster diving in Sweden, living up in the Northwest Territories, owning a bicycle delivery company, tomato tattoos, and of course, art making.

The exchange of knowledge made the whole thing seem less like my energy was being put into shuttling food nightly and more like this exciting vehicle to connect with other human beings. Fighting capitalism can be desolate. It’s valuable to frame it in a way that’s less so and to be with others doing the same. Ultimately, I think the point of writing this is to share that if you are not satisfied or supported by existing nonprofit groups and have the time, energy and desire to do something small to resist oppression, you should do it yourself. I promise it’s worth whatever little time and energy you can compound into it. As individuals we are not powerless and, this is the most important thing I’ve learned, there will always be people wanting and ready to do the same. You just haven’t found each other yet.

Zine Reviews: One Less Email, One More Zine

Three Japanese Anarchists

By Victor Garcia, Kate Sharpley Library. Distributed by South Chicago Anarchist Black Cross PO Box 721 Homewood, IL 60430.

This was my second time around reading this ‘zine.  It had been years and was well worth the refresher. The author, Victor Garcia, was a veteran of the Spanish Civil War, who continued the struggle even sneaking back into Spain in 1946 to support the Libertarian Youth, but was arrested and imprisoned before fleeing the country again.

Starting with Denjiro Kotoku who had been a very active Marxist and comrade of Sen Katayama who, along with Asian Indian M.N. Roy had traveled through Latin America as communist organizers.  This ‘zine is full of fascinating connections like this!  Kotoku was considered such a threat by the state they not only imprisoned him but killed him in 1911 along with 11 of his comrades for allegedly planning a revolt.

But as frequently happens after such waves of oppression, one of Kotoku’s students, Sakai Osugi, picked up his gauntlet in the form of two of his mentor’s publications, Kindai Shoso (Modern Thinking) and Heimin Shimbun (Common Man’s Daily).  Also like Kotoku, Osugi was a skilled linguist who went about making some major translations such as The Origin of Species by Charles Darwin and Mutual Aid by Peter Kropotkin.  Though also similarly to Kotoku, the state considered him such a threat it killed him, albeit extra-judiciously.  This was also part of a wave of oppression.  A number of other libertarians and Koreans were also put to death.

There is a series of brief biographies and descriptions of groups before the section about the third primary subject of the ‘zine, Taiji Yamaga, who unlike the other two main focuses of this ‘zine, lived to an advanced age, 78.  But aside from their shared politics, he also shared their foreign language skills which combined with his lengthy life led him to correspond with many people over seas, both in and out of Anarchist movements, including Vinoba Bhave, a prominent student of Gandhi’s. (A. Iwasa)

It’s Going Down!

Anarchist News & Practice Across So-Called North America itsgoingdown.org

Recently a print edition of what is mostly a best of style round up of the website itsgoingdown.org came in to the Long Haul Infoshop.  This ‘zine is solid cover to cover, and reminiscent of how some of the better indymedia.org affiliates used to print around 2002 in New York and Washington, DC. (A. Iwasa)

Jacobin, Winter 2016

Issue 20:  Up From Liberalism jacobinmag.com 388 Atlantic Ave. Brooklyn, NY 11217

Well written and sharply laid out cover to cover; Jacobin is a periodical from the Socialist camp(s) that is rare to me in that every article was solidly worth reading.

Rooted in history and heavy on analysis, this issue of Jacobin didn’t offer very much of an alternative to capitalism in general or social democracy and the Democratic Party in particular that it pretty thoroughly took apart.

It reminds me of the old Socialist Alternative newspaper, Justice, around 2001 or so, only apparently, completely a media project.  It also strikes me as politically similar to the International Socialist Organization around 2004 in the sense that I wonder if they are Social Democrats or Trotskyists?  Neither?  Both? Without a doubt it is worth study and discussion, though I do wish they would be a little more up front about exactly where they are coming from.  If I’m not mistaken, pg. 99 holds the only explicit declaration of their Bolshevism, but even that is lacking.  What exactly is “the thorough Bolshevization of American culture”?  Like Socialism in general, the term means so many different things, it’s almost meaningless without a definition. (A. Iwasa)

Ida B. Wells Coalition Against Racism and Police Brutality, Prisoners’ Speak!  Journal #1

Memphis Black Autonomy Federation PO Box 16382 Memphis, TN 38186-0382 Prisoners write: South Chicago ABC ‘Zine Distro PO Box 721 Homewood, IL 60430

Diverse writings by both prisoners and supporters.  Race, class, gender and sexuality are all taken into account connecting prisoners’ struggles with those of working people on the outside.  Well written, thought provoking and decked out with beautiful art. (A. Iwasa)

Ker-Bloom!  86

audioanarchy.org

I know this ‘zine is a bit old, but it’s exciting because it’s about how Artnoose was introduced to Letters of Insurgents by Fredy Perlman.  Not only did she read it, but went along to set up an Insurgent Summer reading group and helped make up an audio book of it posted on the Audio Anarchy website!

The novel consists of letters between two comrades who participated in an anti-bureaucratic uprising in Eastern Europe during state communism, after one came to live in exile in the U$, and the other went to prison.

Letters of Insurgents is the only audio book I’ve ever listened to.  It will make you want to projectile vomit your guts out to your dearest comrade in a seven page letter.  If you’re lucky, your comrade will reply with more than a passing reference to “your beautiful letter” in an e-mail about something else… (A. Iwasa)

Letters of Insurgents by Fredy Perlman (available from:) Left Bank Books 92 Pike St. Seattle, WA 98101-2025

 

 

SCIENCE as RADICALISM

by William Gillis available online humaniterations.net/2015/08/18/science-as-radicalism/ in ebook format and as a zine.

‘Everything in the universe is in the public domain’ – William Gillis is a second-generation anarchist who’s worked as an activist in countless projects and capacities since getting involved in the lead-up to N30 (the “Battle in Seattle”). He studies high energy physics and has held a deep fascination with the egalitarian potential of markets since 2003. His writing can be found primarily at ‘Human Iterations’. “It’s no secret that a good portion of the left today consider science profoundly uncool… Indeed there’s a lingering whiff of technocratic stodginess and death that the word ‘science’ has never quite shaken. Those leftists most associated with it have a tendency to either be authoritarians looking to legitimize near-fascist narratives, or doe-eyed activists enchanted by saccharine visions of self-managed bureaucracies and The Meeting That Never Ends.” A Key concept throughout the zine is an appeal to deep critical thinking, to question the comfort of our belief systems. Key question: why the fuck is the ‘left’ so opposed to science? Be prepared  to use a dictionary if you’re like me, with a basic school education! Here is the beginning of William Gillis’ conclusion: “It goes without saying that we shouldn’t waste our lives fighting a war over every preferred definition. Language is often fluid, and not every term can be redeemed. A ‘language’ is often really forked into many simultaneous languages and there can be strategic and empathic virtues in swapping between them. But it’s also important to have our terms describe the most meaningful realities or distinct dynamics they can. Gaping conceptual holes, unspoken or unspeakable realities in a given language, can end up having a huge impact in our lives and impeding our capacity to fight. Language determines what we focus on by default, what gets left as awkward addendums, and thus what loops of debate we most frequently retread trying to get at realities outside the terms we have available.” This zine was to me a real hit and shake in the fluid matter of my upper compartment nut, but no headache! (elke)

 

 

 

Consequence (actually it is a book . . .)

By Steve Masover (344 pgs)

Published by Salted Rose Press

A story about Bay Area anti-GMO direct action activists, Consequence is a little slow to start. But the story wraps you up in the personal lives of the characters and turns into an intense page turner before you know it. The characters are very believable and being a Bay Area activist myself, I kept finding myself wondering, “maybe that character is based on so and so…” Consequence is a great read. It brought tears to my eyes a couple of times and has a real twist at the end of the adventure. Highly recommend it!! (Kelly)

 

Occupy the Farm film review

By The Red Son

Months after almost all of the Occupy camps had been smashed, the initial occupation of the Gill Tract by Occupy the Farm (OTF) in April of 2012 became one of the most powerful and memorable events of the Occupy movement, not only in the Bay Area but nationwide. The film

of the same name was shot by an embedded and politically sympathetic filmmaker, Todd Darling and follows the group as it continues the 15

year struggle to preserve the Gill Tract as a community agricultural resource and to save the land from development by UC Berkeley Capital

Projects. Through direct action occupation, street marches, neighborhood canvassing and other tactics, the group eventually stopped development on half of the land and won access to 2.5 acres for the creation of a community farm.

Although the film’s release was delayed, premiering more than two years after the majority of events depicted, Darling’s persistence paid off with a final cut that is polished, emotionally moving, and politically useful. Having seen an early version of the film shown at the Wild and Scenic Film Festival in Nevada City, CA, it is clear that the director took great pains to streamline the film, showing the important parts of the story while editing out extraneous material. This tightened up the narrative arc and eliminated the multi-climatic structure that plagued the previous cut. Additionally he was able to include the eventual establishment of a community farm on the tract and demonstrate that the group had won access to and use of the land that they illegally occupied. This strengthened the propaganda value of the film and reframes the events as a successful land reclamation struggle.

What is left is an accessible version of the OTF story which connects the struggle to broader context of the privatization of public

resources, multinational corporate control of the food system and the resulting inequality, and community-driven urban agriculture as a

solution to said inequalities as well as global climate change. At its core, it is a story of people who lost their connection to agriculture

(some through corporate monopolization of family farmland, others through systems of racial and class-based oppression) but took control over their food and their own agrarian roots by reclaiming land for the common good. The film’s message is clear: direct action gets results.

For those present during the initial occupation and involved with the group as it moved forward, the film may suffer from a solipsistic focus on a small number of core organizers while ignoring both the experiences of others involved and conflicts arising from important decisions within the camp. The biggest example of this is the choice to breakdown camp on the tract, depicted as a logistical consideration and gesture of goodwill towards the UC and its faculty, and presented as a logical and necessary move. But in actuality, it was one of the most divisive moments in the occupation.

However the film’s intended audience is quite broad and as such should be analyzed for what it is: propaganda. The film has widespread appeal and will introduce many uninitiated to ideas like direct action and consensus process. It could serve as an introduction and potential entry point to radical politics, similar to Food not Bombs, often called the “gateway drug of radicalism.”

Let’s be honest, radical politics needs more success stories and needs more victories, even imperfect ones. Beyond the actual material benefits of the occupation, it was a great propaganda victory. This type of propaganda-driven direct action draws upon a history of urban social movements employing similar tactics with the goal delegitimizing existing power structures while legitimizing radical groups’ capacities and alternative visions. There is no doubt that the OTF story, as told by the film and other places will continue to inspire people to use direct action tactics to affect the change they wish to see.

I give the film five burning dumpsters.

Occupy the Farm continues to oppose development on the Gill Tract and to support the thriving Gill Tract Community Farm. Ground has been broken on the southernmost portion of the land and construction of a high-end assisted living facility has begun. Meanwhile the 2.5 acre farm on the northernmost section is growing thousands of pounds of produce for equitable distribution, hosting free classes and workshops, and providing open green space for use by the surrounding community.

For more info or to get involved:

occupythefarm.org Occupy the Farm on Facebook/Twitterz The film Occupy the Farm is available on iTunes, Google, Amazon, and VUDU.

 

Organizer seeds 'a germinating

Thanks if you purchased a 2016 Slingshot Organizer – they are how we pay to print and distribute this newspaper for free. We still have copies if you want to order some. Also we have some seconds so if you can distribute a few free copies to low-income people, prisoners, immigrants or teens, let us know (please no requests for just one copy, though).

Despite our skepticism about computers, it looks like a Slingshot organizer app will be released for Android phones this summer. An iphone app will follow. We hope having an app will help bring radical stuff to otherwise sterile and soulless tech devices and we’re also responding to requests to have an app. If you have a smart phone, we hope you’ll try it. If not, we’re still committed to publishing the paper organizer as long as we can find ink and paper.

The app will automatically import data from a computerized calendar you are already using and let you see your events with Slingshot-style hand-drawn art. At the bottom of each day the calendar will add a radical historical date similar to the paper organizer. Unlike the paper organizer, if you click on the radical historical date, you will see a list of up to 20 radical historical events that happened that day. The app will have a menstrual calendar and allow you to add and edit calendar items just like your existing smart phone calendar app. There will also be links to Slingshot’s on-line radical contact list and the little essays Slingshot publishes in the paper organizer. The app will be free with a donate button should you want to help support Slingshot collective.

To finish the app, we’re looking for a few volunteers to help cut up digital files of hand-drawn art — no computer experience is necessary to help out. We also need to draw and select a screen icon that users will click to get to the app. Three possibilities that are red and black on screen are here:

 

 

 

Please email us to let us know which you like best or better yet, draw us your own colorful icon and send it to us. We’ll pick one soon. We think the app will be called ‘Slingshot Organizer’ and it will be at the Google play store. The first release will be in English but if someone wants to hand-draw some elements in Spanish and other languages, we can offer other languages in a later release.

If you want to plug into work on the 2017 Organizer, here is a rough schedule:

• May/June: We’ll edit the historical dates. Send us suggestions for dates.

• June 26 – July 29: Artists will draw the calendar section for 2017. If you want to draw a 4 week section, let us know. We’ll also call and email all the radical contacts to update the list – send us your corrections in July and let us know if you want to help.

• July 29-30 / August 5-6 We’ll have art and editing parties to put the Organizer together. If you’re in the Bay Area those weekends and want to help out, it is a fun participatory project – no experience necessary.

No matter where you are, you can send us art to paste here and there, cover submissions, feature essays for the back, the letters A-Z, the numbers 1-31, the names of each month, and the days of the week — we’ll paste it in for you.

Finally, there is a big error on page 3 of the 2016 spiral Organizer (only). On the 2016/2017 calendar showing both years, the headline for 2017 is over the 2016 calendar and the headline for 2016 is over a 2017 calendar. Please fix it and let your friends know.

 

Hot Summer Nights – Calendar issue #121 Summer 2016

May 1 – June 10 FREE ALL AGES

Oakland Spring Rising oaklandwiki.org/40farms

 

May 4 – 15 FREE ALL AGES

Break Free From Fossil Fuels – People all around the world are joining together in peaceful resistance against the fossil fuel industry, and in support of a just transition to renewable energy. 350.org

 

May 7 FREE ALL AGES

Orange County Anarchist Bookfair @ Fullerton College

 

May 16 – 22 FREE ALL AGES

Rubber Stamp Rebellion – tell the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission no new gas industry permits. beyondextremeenergy.org

 

May 20 – 22

Left Forum 2016 – John Jay College of Criminal Justice The City University of New York 524 W. 59th Street, NYC

 

May 21 FREE ALL AGES

March Against Monsanto – register your city addmymarch @gmail.com

 

May 22

Wavy Gravy’s 80th Birthday – Somo Village Event Center, Rohnert Park, CA

 

June 3-5

Sacramento Black Book Fair. Historic Center of Oak Park 35th and Broadway. sacramentoblackbookfair.com

 

June 11 • Noon – 10pm

SF Free Folk Fest. Everett Middle School 450 Church Street (between 16th and 17th St.) San Francisco

 

June 10 • 8pm FREE ALL AGES

East Bay Bike Party. 2nd Friday each month.

 

June 11 FREE ALL AGES

International day of Solidarity with Anarchist Prisoners. Local events all over. june11.org

 

June 11 – 13 FREE ALL AGES

Convergence in support of Eco-Prisoners & Against Toxic Prisons. Conference / direct action. Washington, DC fighttoxicprisons.org

 

June 16 • 7:30pm

Iranian-American Comedian Writer ”How to Make White People Laugh” – 2501 Harrison St., Oakland

 

June 18 – 19 • 11-5pm

Queer Comics Expo. SOMArts Cultural Center 934 Brannan St. San Francisco.

 

June 18 – 26

Wild Roots Feral Futures 8th annual direct action eco-defense camp. Southwest Colorado mountains location TBA. feralfutures dot wordpress.com

 

June 24 • 6pm FREE ALL AGES

San Francisco Critical mass bike ride. Gather at Justin Herman Plaza. Last Friday each month. sfcriticalmass.org

 

June 29 – July 6

Earth First! Round River Rendezvous. Great Lakes bioregion. Rrr2016 at riseup.net

 

July 1 – 2 FREE ALL AGES

2nd Feria de Publicaciones Independientes focusing on resisting borders. Hostal Pangea and Cafe A 1st and Revolution St. Tijuana, Mexico.

 

Month of July FREE ALL AGES

24 Hour Zine Thing – make a 24 page zine in 24 hours, anywhere, anytime this month

 

 

July 4 • 2pm FREE ALL AGES

San Francisco Mime Troupe opening performance of “White Rabbit, Red Rabbit” -19th & Dolores, YUPPIE HELL. sfmt.org

 

Week of July 4 FREE ALL AGES

Rainbow Gathering – ask a hippie for where it is this year.

 

July 6 – 12

Pacific Northwest Climate Camp. Lemon Island, Oregon – 11 miles from Portland (strategically located within easy paddling distance of railroads hauling oil and coal.) pnwclimatecamp.blogspot.com

 

July 14 • 2pm FREE ALL AGES

Mad Pride March. Meet at Another Way (125 Barre St Montpelier, VT) and also other Mad Pride events all over.

 

July 15 – 17

Speak for Wolves. West Yellowstone, Montana. Speakforwolves.org

 

July 18 – 21 FREE ALL AGES

Protest Republican National Convention. Cleveland, OH Quicken Loans Arena

 

July 25 – 28 FREE ALL AGES

Protest Democratic National Convention. Philadelphia, PA Wells Fargo Center.

 

August 13 • 11 – 4pm

Kenosha, WI Zine Fest. Artworks 5002 7th

 

August 13 • 10am

SlutWalk DC Saturday, a worldwide movement against victim-blaming, survivor-shaming, and rape culture

 

August 21 • 7pm FREE ALL AGES

Slingshot new volunteer meeting / article brainstorm for issue #122. 3124 Shattuck Ave. Berkeley. Slingshot.tao.ca

 

September 4 FREE ALL AGES

15th annual SF Zine Fest – Golden Gate Park. SFzinefest.org

 

September 9

National coordinated prisoner work stoppage supportprisonerresistance.net

 

September 17 • 3pm

Slingshot article deadline for issue #122. Send articles to slingshot at tao.ca

 

October 1 – 2 FREE ALL AGES

Olympia Zine Fest. The Olympia Center and other venues in downtown Olympia. olympiazinefest.tumblr.com

 

October 20 – 23

Black Panther 50th Anniversary bpp50th.com

 

October 21 – 23 FREE ALL AGES

Dirty scouts jamboree gathering – Slab City, CA squattheplanet.com/fest

 

Shut the Valve

SHUT THE VALVE!  

turning off tar sands pipelines is easier than we thought

By Anonymous

Enbridge’s Line 9 has been a critical battleground in the war against the tar sands for over three years. This old pipeline would allow the expansion of the tar sands by providing an export market, puts the drinking water of millions at risk, and exacerbates the slow industrial genocide known as Chemical Valley, a hub of refineries that surrounds Aamjiwnaang First Nation, the most polluted place in so-called Canada.

After a years-long, hard-fought campaign against Line 9, which employed a diversity of tactics, from lobbying to legal battles to direct action, Line 9 transported crude to a refinery in Montreal on December 3, 2015.

On December 7, we shut it down. Literally. Most media reported that Enbridge shut down Line 9 as a “precautionary measure”, but we know better. We closed the valve manually. This is historic: to our knowledge, this is the first time that activists have manually shut down a pipeline. Who would have thought that it could be so simple?

The day of the action, Enbridge stock plunged 8 percent. For a company worth almost 60 Billion dollars, that’s about 4.8 Billion dollars. Take that, ya malignant scum!

There is a definite sense of exuberance following this action. One of the notable successes is how this action, which many people would consider radical, enjoyed broad support. This lockdown was organized by anarchists, but was publicly supported by citizens’ groups, including the ex-mayor of the town where it took place.

This whole action was a test of Canada’s new anti-terrorism law C-51, which expands the definition of terrorism to include tampering with critical infrastructure, specifically naming pipelines. Our line of thinking was this: If they charged us with terrorism, what they’d be saying is that a large segment of the population supports terrorism, and the state would lose the usefulness of the terrorism label to demonize an isolated political element. It wouldn’t be in their interests, but it would be good for our movement, since in all likelihood, once C-51 is tested in court it will (eventually) get thrown out as unconstitutional. And the sooner that happens, the better.

There is a general sense that this action has breathed new life into the anti-Line 9 campaign, which NGOs long ago abandoned as unwinnable. For the first time in a long while, activists are expressing optimism that Line 9 can be shut down before it spills. We’ve arrived at a critical juncture, and the time for bold direct action has come.

In the aim of spreading accurate, in-depth information about this action, we present to dkdkdkdkd

 

you the most detailed account of events yet available. It is our hope that this inspires you beloved outlaws out there to start plotting.

Timeline of action

6:15 a.m. First affinity group arrives at site. They unload supplies from vehicles and move them off-site.

6:45 a.m. Jean Leger calls Enbridge emergency number and tells them that he is closing the valve. This is filmed by a journalist co-conspirator. The whole valve and the ground starts vibrating. To avoid a potential explosion, the valve is opened slightly. The ground continues to vibrate, and the sound of pressurized flow is audible.

7:30 – Patricia Domingos, ex-mayor of Sainte-Justine-de-Newton shows up on scene. She has been very active in the fight against Enbridge for over three years, and she is completely delighted about what is happening. For the rest of the day, she acts as spokesperson. Because Enbridge has still not showed up, she calls the Enbridge emergency number a second time. Incredibly, she can’t reach someone who speaks French. Enbridge takes her name and number and tells her they’ll call her back.

8:24 Ontario Provincial Police show up on scene. Hilariously, they have no idea what is going on, they were just showing up to tell someone to move their car, which was parked in a church parking lot. When they figure out what’s going on, they express their gladness that the valve is on the Quebec side of the border, hence not their problem. They leave the scene.

Approx. 8:30 – Second affinity group (larger than the first) shows up on scene and begins setting up tents, hanging banners, filming, tweeting, and being an awesome support team.

Approx. 8:45 – A francophone Enbridge employee calls Mme. Domingos and finally, they get the message. They tell her that the pipeline isn’t closed, that everything’s showing up as normal on their monitoring system. Take a second to think about that — what does that say about their much-hyped high-tech security measures?

Approx. 9:00 – Activists unlock and the valve is firmly closed. The vibration reaches a fever pitch, but once the valve is wrenched as far as humanly possible to the right, the vibration stops altogether.

Activists lock back onto the valve.

9:17 – Súreté du Québec (Quebec Safety Police) (SQ) arrives on scene.

10:02 – Enbridge employees arrive on scene.

11:20 – Enbridge employee, flanked by SQ officers, reads a statement in French ordering activists to leave scene.

13:53 – “Specialist” team arrives on scene. Whatever they’re specialists in, it sure as fuck ain’t cutting locks. The next few hours are a comedy doing nothing to disprove stereotypes about the intelligence of cops (or lack thereof).

14:22 – SQ establishes perimeter, tells media to go to the road. Media leave initially, but are back minutes later, and continue to film at close distance for the rest of the day. The crowd of supporters also remains close at hand, maintaining an unruly and bold presence throughout the action. No supporters were arrested.

Around this same time, the two activists locked to the valve super-glue their locks shut. From this moment on, they no longer have any ability to unlock themselves. People begin to sing, and the sun comes out.

The activist locked to the fence is arrested, to raucous cheering, singing, and chanting. He is taken into custody and released about an hour and a half later.

When attempting to handcuff one of the activists locked to the valve, another valve that is part of the infrastructure sprays oil all over the place. All hell breaks loose at this point. One woman rushes towards the cage and is knocked down by cops. The intensity of the crowd reaches a fever pitch. The cops seem genuinely scared at this point, as they suddenly realize that they’re in a potentially explosive situation.

The crowd begins chanting for paramedics and firefighters to be brought to the scene, taunting the police for their incompetence. Police stop trying to extract the two people still locked down, and the jubilant crowd breaks into song, which continues for a long time. This is the energetic high point of an already awesome day.

Approx. 16:00 or 16:30 – Firefighters arrive with a whole bunch of heavy-duty equipment and break the valve, hauling the two remaining activists away with reinforced U-locks still on their necks.

17:00 or 17:30 p.m – Enbridge employees move in and immediately open the valve.

Post-Script – One of the activist who locked down refused to sign off on non-association conditions, but when he was brought to jail, he was refused entry because he had a lock around his neck! He spent the night at the cop shop and was released the following day, with no non-association conditions. Good to know, eh?

Speaking as a participant, this action was definitely a high point in my activism career. The support was absolutely incredible, the solidarity expressed through song and action was beyond beautiful, and everything about the entire day seemed to unroll according to the benevolent whims of some trickster god.

So there you have it: Enbridge’s secret is out. Shutting down pipelines is easy, and their security is woefully inadequate to prevent either direct action or disastrous spills.

For that reason, it’s appropriate here to temper this glee with a sober dose of reality: Enbridge’s Line 9 is currently active, and recent actions have shown that we have even more cause than before to be concerned about the very real prospect of an imminent spill. We can also be damn sure that any spill that does occur will be poorly managed. All the more reason to intensify our organizing.

Also, we can expect that industry pigs, their political boot-lickers, and their police peons are now having emergency meetings about how to neutralize our movement. It would be wise to prepare for a wave of repression and infiltration, though it’s hard to imagine them slowing the momentum of our movement at this point.

Lastly, the three activists who were arrested were charged with mischief, trespassing (breaking and entering), and obstruction. They plan to aggressively fight the charges, and given the staggering amount of witnesses and evidence, it could be a long time before they get to trial. They’ll have to raise funds because one of them, the C-51-defying, tactic-pioneering badass Jean Leger, isn’t eligible for legal aid. All this to say: don’t forget about your comrades!

And may the words that were chanted throughout the day resonate with you, dear reader, as they will resonate in my heart for the rest of my days.Those words: ON LACHE RIEN! (translation: WE’RE NOT GIVING UP!)

P.S. Two weeks after the action that this article describes, three people shut down Line 9 a second time right outside Chemical Valley. One of those who arrested was Vanessa Gray, an Anishnaabe woman who’s been a major voice in the campaign against Line 9. Then shortly after that, there was the first publicly-announced instance of clandestine sabotage. Anarchists visited a valve (this time on Enbridge’s Line 7) by cover of night, closed it, and locked it shut. Every action like this costs Enbridge a shit-ton of money, and the vast network of pipelines criss-crossing Turtle Island is far far far too large to be effectively surveilled. I think the saboteurs on Line 7 were sending a message – even if you don’t live close to Line 9, there’s for sure a pipeline near you that you could easily close. Stay safe, be bold, and remember that every raindrop contains the essence of the ocean.

The Kurdish and the State

By Wolverine de Cleyre

If you´ve seen any news about the Middle East lately, you´ve probably seen something about the Kurds, the courageous folks fighting ISIS on the ground in Syria. You may have seen pictures of their all-women battalions, who fascinate western journalists by how much they clash with the stereotype of the passive, victimized Muslim woman. You may have seen something of their daring rescue of the Yazidis, tens of thousands of whom were starving in the mountains, hiding from ISIS until the YPG, the People´s Protection Units, allowed them to escape north.

But who are the Kurds? Where did this freedom-fighting militia come from? Kurds are almost entirely Muslims, but a distinct ethnic group, with a different culture than those around them. They have their own language, which is unrelated to either Arabic or Turkish. They have lived in the mountainous region at the borders of what is now Syria, Turkey, Iraq and Iran for well over a thousand years. The Kurds have had it especially rough the past few decades because of these borders and the conflicts that come with them.

In order to understand what´s going on, we need to back up and take a longer view than we’re used to. We take the way governments operate now, the internally homogenous nation-state and it´s borders, pretty much for granted. You´re in the U.S., you pass through a checkpoint, and then you´re in Canada, under the control of the Canadian government, and the people there are either Canadians or foreigners. Or you cross the border to Mexico, and then you´re under the laws there. Any region within a national boundary has only as much power as the federal government allows. Anything else is treated as a failed state, a government that has collapsed and is unable to govern its territory.

But just a hundred and fifty years ago, this wasn’t the case. There used to be different kinds of governments, some big and small, and some would overlap — there were more grey areas. There were empires, semi-autonomous regions, and there were borderlands where no empire held sway.

A few hundred years ago, there was a huge empire, called the Ottoman Empire. It stretched from just east of Vienna in Southern Europe, to Algiers, Egypt, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia. The Ottoman government didn´t try to control all the territory to the same degree. Some of the regions were autonomous and mostly governed themselves, just sending the government in Istanbul taxes and boys to be made into soldiers. Some of them were more directly controlled by the empire, usually the regions that had more important resources. Even within the capital city, Istanbul, the different ethnicities were not treated equally under the law.

The Kurds were part of this empire, but their territory was pretty mountainous and most of them were herders or did just enough agriculture to feed themselves. It wasn´t worth it to the Ottomans to interfere with them, so they mostly left the Kurds alone. The Kurds maintained their language, culture and their own systems of self-governance.

The Ottoman Empire collapsed, from both internal problems and pressure from Europe. During the late 1800´s, the Western half broke away, with Greece and the Balkan countries separating into different countries, one for each ethnic group. This was based on the European model, where you had France for the French-speakers, Germany for the Germans, etc. But while the Western European countries were created by smaller regions joining together (occasionally by consent but mostly conquest), these nation-states were created by breaking apart, and millions of people had to move to create ethnically homogenous nation-states in places that had been mixed.

After WWI, the winning European powers cut the rest of the Ottoman Empire into pieces. The Middle East was divided according to the convenience of Europe, rather than the interests of the people living there. England got control of the newly created nation-states of Palestine, Jordan, and Iraq, while France got Lebanon and Syria.

What is now Turkey was going to be cut up too, but one of the Ottoman military officers rounded up the last of the military, drove the Europeans out, and force-modernized the country super quick. They felt like the only way to save the country from Europe was to make it into a nation like Europe, to force everyone to speak the same language and obey the central government.

So the Kurds didn´t get their own country. They were divided between Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. The new borders made it impossible for herders to move their animals with the seasons. Worse, it set them up for all kinds of conflicts with the nations they were forced to be a part of. They maintained a strong Kurdish identity, aided by their land. As the state motto of West Virginia puts it, “Mountaineers are always free.” That will to autonomy threatened those nascent governments.

In Iraq, they found oil under Kurdish territory and proceeded to take it. Saddam subdued the Kurds with poison gas when they tried to protest.

Iraq and Iran, always in conflict, would often send weapons to each other´s Kurds rather than engage each other directly, their own version of the Cold War. In Turkey, Kurds were forbidden from speaking their own language for decades, and mere possession of a newspaper written in Kurdish could land one in prison. The Turkish government combined incentives and programs to encourage assimilation with direct genocide of Kurdish people who refused.

In response, some Kurdish students in Turkey formed the Kurdish Workers´ Party (PKK) 1978, a Libertarian Socialist (more rules than anarchism, less hierarchy than communism) group dedicated to creating an independent Kurdistan. Since Turkey is a U.S. government ally, the PKK is officially designated as a terrorist organization by the State Department.

In contrast, the Kurdish militia in Syria, the People’s Defense Units (YPG), has been portrayed as heroes by western media, since they’re fighting ISIS, an enemy of the western world. But the YPG is much more than a reaction to ISIS. They´re the armed section of the Kurdish Supreme Committee, which has been governing Rojava, the Kurdish part of Syria, since the regime of Syrian president Assad lost control in 2012. Their ideology and struggle for Kurdish self-determination is the same as that of the PKK over in Turkey.

They have a sort of self-governing communism, both based on local organizational principles that have been in practice for generations, and recent influence from foreign socialist and anarchist ideas. In particular, writer Murray Bookchin´s concept of Libertarian Municipalism, which is even more boring than it sounds but seems to be working well for them.

One of the reasons Western nations haven´t been providing military aid to the best-organized folks fighting ISIS on the ground is that they’re worried strengthening the Kurdish militia in Syria will strengthen Kurdish autonomy all over the Middle East. This is only a problem because of the way the nation-state system is set up, more self-organization and power for the Kurds means less stability for Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey.

The Middle East isn´t the only place where people don’t want to be part of a nation-state whose boundaries they’re technically within. Mountain peoples in many places often have little in common, culturally or economically, with the lowlands around them. The case of Kurdistan is echoed by the Basques within Spain and France, and the Tibetans within China, who have fought for autonomy against a central government struggling to maintain the state´s integrity.

Aside from these deliberate refusers, what happens when a state collapses, as is the case now in Syria, leaving millions stateless against their will?

Mainstream political discourse always characterizes the stateless person as the problem.

The language of the political Right is often openly hateful and xenophobic. The political Right characterizes people without a state as criminals to be expelled, destroyed, and dealt with as quickly and forcefully as possible. They often use xenophobia and hysteria over immigrants to distract from other problems like income inequality, lack of healthcare, and environmental destruction.

The language of the Left is kinder, but it still sees the stateless people themselves as the problem, albeit as a humanitarian rather than a criminal crisis. At best, the dearly departed state´s orphans will be classified as refugees, and seen as a public health problem to solve with aid programs. Of course the only real solution is to extend some charity to the poor souls by giving them a new citizenship and integrating them into the new state.

This position seems more humane, but what happens when a group of people don´t want to integrate into another country´s government? When they want to maintain their own culture and live by their own laws, as is the case with Kurds living in Turkey? There are currently a million refugees in Germany, what will happen if those people don’t want to assimilate fully, if they don’t want to live exactly as Germans do now?

The situation of people who are not part of an officially recognized state is often very desperate, not due to any fault in themselves, but because under the nation-state system, all rights come through the fact of citizenship, whether one is actually in the home country or not. For example, if I go to France or Mexico, I am recognized and treated by the government not as an individual, but according to my status as a U.S. citizen. Nation-states are incapable of dealing with anyone who isn’t part of one. People who are stateless cannot be recognized as humans by this system of government.

The individual humans and entire human cultures who happen to not have their own state are not the problem. These people and cultures existed before the states, the states and their borders were created around them, cutting them apart or putting them under the control of others with whom they have no affinity.

What is a nation? I can’t hold the United States in my hand. I can pick up a handful of dirt, but the land existed long before the Declaration of Independence was signed.

A nation, like a corporation, is an abstraction, an idea that organizes human behavior. When a corporation goes bankrupt, its buildings don’t explode, the people who worked for it don’t suddenly drop dead.

These ideas are so large that they seem like physical facts about the world, like the law of gravity or thermodynamics. But they aren’t. There are many other such ideas that have been picked up and put down through written history. Governments in Europe used to be based on the Divine Right of Kings, and for hundreds of years no other basis for social organization was thought possible.

The Nation-state is just one more organizing idea made by human beings, and we can unmake it if we so choose. The fate of living, breathing humanity depends on its destruction.

 

"No justice, no peace! No Racist Police!" Baltimore responds—the power of a protest

By Daniele Spagnolo

I live in the 21217 area of Baltimore City, Maryland, right next to West Baltimore, where police murdered Freddie Gray, an unarmed, innocent black man. The six officers responsible for Freddie Gray’s death unlawfully and violently arrested Freddie after he made eye contact with an officer and instinctively ran. The officers refused to provide medical treatment for Freddie after brutally injuring his spine, and a murderous rough police van ride lasted hours before their arrival at the police station. Gray, 25, died in a hospital a few days later. On December 16, 2015 I went to a large community response from Baltimore residents and local chapters of the Black Lives Matter movement to the declared mistrial for Officer William Porter, the first to face court.

The gathering in Baltimore was one of hundreds of recent protests against police killings of black people. These public actions have ranged from marches to school walkouts to blockades of freeways and airports. For example, activists with Black*Seed blockaded the San Francisco Bay Bridge on MLK day, and activists protested at the Minneapolis Airport and the Mall of America near peak holiday-shopping season last December. The BLM movement is national yet decentralized. Many actions have been meticulously planned to build people power that is unique to their community.

I heard rumors that the police had put a major protest leader on temporary probation earlier that morning to stop him from protest organizing. I feared the police’s attempt to cut off a valued organizer would affect the outcome of the protest. I arrived at Baltimore City’s courthouse to witness a swarm of news media and about seven activists holding picket signs. Initially, I was afraid these few activists held the entirety of the protest; my heart dropped, there had to be more. A few minutes later, from the South side of Calvert Street, I started to hear a low echo of, “No Justice, No Peace, No Racist Police!” The volume grew as the protestors multiplied. There must have been hundreds of people. I felt a rush of energy, the kind of energy one can only find at protests. Completely electric, the fighters of justice roared in the bodies of young, old, black, white, every kind of people.

We marched, shouted until our lungs gave out, stopped traffic, and walked at a pace that called for immediate action. Bystanders seamlessly joined the march and the power of our steps vibrated in the cement as the protestors of Baltimore built a familial bond. Powerful, inspiring, black men and women chanted in a revolutionary tune. Abruptly, our march for justice was forced to reroute because of a predictable police blockade. Side by side, they looked divided. I stared intently at every single officer’s eyes. Some looked afraid, others held back clear hatred, but most were indifferent. They were indifferent as if we were shouting at a volume their eardrums could not pick up on.

We headed toward the courthouse lawn. The media was well equipped with their gear, but they were obviously products of a sloppy two-hour sensitivity training session. The reporters from FOX, NBC, ABC, etc. seemed completely unable to relate to the people they were interviewing, and each crew looked afraid. Some protestors strongly urged all activists to stay away from the corporate news sources, only to talk to local reporters, given the reputation of sensationalist media. Other protestors flocked to the robotic newscasters and held them accountable for portraying Baltimore’s previous protests in April 2015 as a city on fire rather than illuminating a city’s cry for justice.

As the crowd started to dwindle, a few key protest organizers gave us options as the night went on. One, we could watch the filming of the Real News Network’s report on court proceedings. Two, we could follow team leaders to the Juvenile Center, where it was assumed that another protestor, a sixteen year old, was held. This young black teenager, a minor, was forcefully held on the ground and then put in a chokehold by a police officer. I followed the group to stand outside the Juvenile Center. All of the protestors, concerned about the young man’s status, demanded answers from the security guard outside the Juvenile Center. We asked for the minor’s whereabouts and the guard quickly responded with, “They lied to you. He isn’t here.” A couple protestors persisted by calling every kind of police office the city contained, only to be left with no information of the young man’s location or status. Frustrated, yet determined to continue with the protest, we linked arms in front of the Juvenile Center, and exclaimed a more rhythmic chant, “Show me what democracy looks like! This is what democracy looks like!” The sound chimed through the chilly air as we swayed together, and the crowd listened carefully as spontaneous testimonies of experiences with racism were spoken into the night.

A seventeen year-old black woman explained the absolute priority the city must make of our children, specifically our black children. She painted a picture of what the sixteen year old must have been going through, and demanded for more people to show up during these demonstrations for the sake of our future. A younger black man told the group about his struggles with growing up in the clutches of homelessness and foster care in addition to living through the oppression every young black man faces in Baltimore. He said he has been through the court system himself, and he motivated his brothers and sisters to continue with their education and tirelessly work for justice. Another young black woman, who cried while chanting earlier, explained that crying is how she lets the world know this system is horrifically sad. Tears fell down her face as she announced to the crowd that not everyone has to cry, but we have to be there, and in our presence we will prove our fight for change.

CNN arrived to tape live. An older black man, who had led much of the motion and emotion of the march, very frankly told the reporter that he would only be allowed to share what happened to the minor as well as the will of our protest. If the reporter did not decide to cooperate with telling the actual story, the surrounding protestors would be instructed to shut it down. About a minute before CNN went on air, the crowd pointed out a young black woman who was encouraged to share her story with reporter. She explained that her husband was shot by a Baltimore police officer. He fit the description of a light-skinned black man with waves in his hair. The police had unlawfully shot her husband, and now he was in jail with a bullet an inch away from his spine, his health slowly deteriorating. If he died, his name would be added to the disgustingly massive list of black men murdered by law enforcement. I was left breathless by her story, and a little sick.

I still feel a relentless sickness, because racism in the United States is clearly not a phenomenon that is contained by the police state and cured through one court ruling. Policing perpetuates a nefarious government and culture that was founded on racist ideals, followed through with white supremacy, and is preserved through a tradition that pleads “not guilty” for violent and racist acts. Baltimore’s demonstration personally gave me chills, and it allowed me to come to an important realization. Scare tactics do not faze the Black Lives Matter movement. This community, much like many across the nation, had a valued community organizer taken away from them, witnessed heinous acts committed against their children, faced a blockade of police officers, and still, the march only grew.

Take more recent events, in Flint, Michigan, where institutional racism permitted lead-tainted drinking water to be sent to black neighborhoods for months, poisoning people with their source of life. The community is fighting back through protest on the foundation of what it means for black lives to matter. Alicia Garza, Black Lives Matter founder, has observed, “When we say Black Lives Matter, we are talking about the ways in which Black people are deprived of our basic human rights and dignity. It is an acknowledgement that Black poverty and genocide is state violence.”

In Flint, San Fransisco, Minneapplis, Baltimore, and anywhere one finds injustice, the march of the movement is dauntlessly growing. Much like a hydra cut by a sword; Black Lives Matter intuitively erupts in courage when society attempts to cut off its resources, and this sentiment sends a powerful message that builds in a protestor’s mind.

The power of a protest lies in tomorrow. What is going to happen tomorrow because of the demonstration we put on today? I will show up to more community meetings, many are using social media to share their stories, and others are more proactively planning further actions. The life of a protest exists in the movement, the amoeba-like being, combining all of our souls, bouncing and moving together. We are following and leading, shouting and sitting in silence, rising up and “shutting it down.” Protesting is the true voice of a community, and Baltimore City has a lot more to say than a repeated clip of a burning CVS. The police, the system, and the traditional culture may not be able to hear us now, but the protest allows us to hear each other, and it encourages us to speak louder, with more strength, until our words can break through a purposeful and ignorant deafness. The revolution starts in these moments, and these moments are here, so get ready.