Palestine Now

In the spectacle of image manipulation that surrounds the bitter conflict for justice in Palestine and Israel, suffering will likely continue unabated after the latest ‘watershed’ of the Jan. 9 Palestinian presidential elections. The election, a non-contest from the beginning without the presence of Marwan Barghouti, led to its foregone conclusion: victory for Mahmoud Abbas (aka Abu Mazen), the ‘preferred’ candidate of the neoliberal global network of control and its media machinery, the White House, the Israeli political and economic elites, the Palestinian oligarchy and the Fatah political machine. The cynicism with which ordinary Palestinians’ hopes for change and an end to the nightmare of the Occupation have been manipulated by discourse and hype about “windows of opportunity” is extraordinary. More important for assessing public mood on the street in Gaza was the huge victory by Hamas in the election on Jan. 28 to ten local councils, the first-ever municipal elections in Palestine, garnering two-thirds of the vote. It was a crushing defeat for Fatah. Turn-out topped 80 percent, far greater than in the presidential poll. The message to the entrenched Fatah leadership is loud and clear.

Despite the great ruse of Sharon’s ‘disengagement plan,’ it is common knowledge on the Israeli left that over the short range, Sharon may pay lip service to “the new chance for peace” while he and his cabal of generals will do everything in their power, including a continuation of Israel state violence, to eviscerate the Mazen presidency and ensure its failure or turn him into a Palestinian puppet. The Israeli political-military machine may halt targeted assassinations as a tactical move while keeping its finger on the trigger and ever tightening its grip on Palestinian lands. Above all: pay heed to the actions of Sharon and his ruling clique, not their rhetoric.

Abu Mazen is the Israeli’s puppet in that they hold ALL the strings. He has already deployed bulldozers to tear down Palestinian homes and banned civilians from carrying weapons. The ‘irrationality’ of the ‘spiral of violence’ begins to look more rational when you understand that the generals who run Israel feed on further violence. Chaos is in the ultimate ‘interest’ of the expansionist Israeli state and its ruling elite, though not of ordinary Israelis. In Palestine, Jewish nationalist strategy has been a ‘land and water grab’ for the past 80 years. It is driven by maintaining a permanent state of emergency. The generals remain poised for a single ‘provocation’ in order to unleash a massive attack on Gaza.

The new Palestinian leader may believe that if he can end the violence (= armed resistance), Sharon will face domestic and international pressure to start talking about the issues at the heart of the conflict — borders, refugees, and the future of Jerusalem. But why should Sharon suddenly do an about-face? Pressure from where? “Some people say, only half in jest, that the USA is an Israeli colony. . . . President Bush dances to Ariel Sharon’s tune. Both Houses of Congress are totally subservient to the Israeli right-wing — much more so than the Knesset” [1]. What may emerge is a kind of Vichy-ization of the Palestinian Authority (PA) under the Occupation, analogous in some ways to the German puppet regime in occupied France in WW II.

As Mid-East Realities observed: “With no real Palestinian State any longer possible west of the Jordan, the U.S. and Israel have worked long and hard to get to the point where they could force a quisling Palestinian leadership of their choosing into a kind of convoluted submission while pretending it is an agreed settlement brought about by the ‘Peace Process’. . . . Abu Mazen and the key Palestinian in the background, Nabil Shaath (the long-time PA ‘Foreign Minister’ operative working closely with the Israelis and the CIA), are poised to in effect accept the Sharon Plan for what will be called a ‘Temporary State’ with ‘Provisional Boundaries’ in about 25% of historic Palestine. Everywhere the Palestinian ‘population centers’, i.e. Bantustans and Reservations in reality, will be surrounded by the Israeli army which will continue to control all entry/exit and airspace of what is to be a permanently crippled and controlled ‘Palestinian state’. The plan is then to flood the Palestinian Bantustans with two things to give this new arrangement a chance to work — monies largely from Europe and the World Bank to make daily life a little better . . . and guns supplied by Israel along with the U.S. and U.K. so PA forces will be able to enforce an end to the Palestinian Intifada and in effect become the Israeli police-force in the occupied territories” [2].

What can stateside anti-authoritarians do?

1. For starters, lend critical support to the minimal program for an Israeli military withdrawal as laid out by Gush Shalom: “Without serious steps to end the Occupation no ‘window of opportunity’” [3]. These are short-term demands which no Israeli political-military elite, intent on furthering the long-term national Zionist agenda of Control of all of Palestine, can accede to. They include “Complete cessation of the settlement construction and extension, going on throughout the West Bank, and dismantling of all the ‘unauthorized settlement outposts,’ total cessation of the manhunt against the ‘wanted Palestinians,’ their assassinations and detentions and the nightly invasions of the Palestinian towns and villages; removal of all the roadblocks which deny free movement to the Palestinians and strangle the Palestinian economy; release of the Palestinian political leaders imprisoned in Israel, such as Marwan Barghouti and Husam Hader, members of the Palestinian Legislature.”

2. Begin to consider ways to publicize and support the continuing work of the one opposition candidate with a substantial following in the Palestinian political and public arena, Mustafa Barghouthi, Abbas’s main opponent in the Jan. 9 poll who garnered nearly 20 percent of the vote. Barghouthi is a radical democrat who believes in the power of mass non-violent resistance. As long as Marwan remains behind bars, Mustafa is the best alternative on the democratic left. Familiarize yourselves with his organization, the Palestine National Initiative (Al Mubadara), founded in 2002. A noted physician, he is head of the Union of Palestinian Medical Relief Committees, and director of HDIP, the Health, Development Information and Policy Institute based in Ramallah, a grassroots formation bringing together over 90 Palestinian NGOs. Al Mubadara’s online journal is The Palestine Monitor [4]. Mustafa has been an outspoken critic of Arafat and the PLO old guard.

We also need to better understand the huge popularity enjoyed by Hamas, coupling militant resistance with social welfare and an entire supplementary kindergarten and school system. Their example, a movement deeply rooted in the people rather than party, is a paradigm worth studying [5]. In some respects they are a concrete embodiment in occupied Palestine of ‘dual power’ in the absence of a ‘state.’

3. Add your weight to the economic boycott of Israel, supporting initiatives such as www.boycottisraeligoods.org/ . In Israel itself, Conscience (Matzpun, www.matzpun.com ) is campaigning for an international boycott of Israeli goods in an effort to put pressure on the Israeli government and Israeli electorate where it hurts, namely in the pocketbook. As Matzpun notes: “We call on the world community to organize and boycott Israeli industrial and agricultural exports and goods, as well as leisure tourism, in the hope that it will have the same positive result that the boycott of South Africa had on apartheid. This boycott should remain in force as long as Israel controls any part of the territories it occupied in 1967. Those who squash the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinians must be made to feel the conseq
uences of their own bitter medicine.”

4. Join the struggle against the Israeli military. One way is to support Israeli soldiers who are refusing to serve in the Occupied Territories or ‘breaking the silence.’ The organization Refusing for Israel needs international solidarity, take a look at their principles, work and call for signatures: www.seruv.org.il/english/ An extraordinary organization fighting the militarization of Israeli society, consciousness and education is New Profile, also worth checking out at www.newprofile.org.

5. Join the worldwide fight against the Great Wall of Palestine. The Grassroots Palestinian Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign is a good place to begin: www.stopthewall.org/ And the Yahoo group Anarchists Against the Wall, join in: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ againstwall/ Along with opposition to the Wall, a new focus is the massive expropriation of Palestinian property in al-Quds (East Jerusalem) now being finessed by the Israeli authorities: “The Sharon government intends to strip thousands of West Bank Palestinians of their property in occupied East Jerusalem, according to the Israeli press quoting newly released government documents. At stake are thousands of donoms of land belonging to Palestinians who live in the West Bank and are now unable to access their land due to Israel’s separation barrier. . . . By all accounts, the Israeli ministry of interior is using land expropriations, identity-card seizure, exorbitant taxes and difficult-to-obtain building, family-reunion and residency permits to slowly force Palestinian residents out of the city…. The total land to be expropriated could add up to half of all East Jerusalem property.” [6]. This opens up a new front for struggle.

6. In attempting to build a strong pro-Palestinian movement in the U.S., consider the positions as laid out by the New England Committee to Defend Palestine. Perhaps the most radical viewpoint on the path forward voiced by an active group in the United States, they envision a unitary one-state solution for Arabs and Jews: “The Two-State Solution is not just. It is no solution to the turmoil in historic Palestine because at its core it does not undo any wrongs. It is unjust because it is premised on the continued acceptance of the Zionist claim to at least three quarters, if not all, of Palestine as being the exclusive land of the Jews. It is fundamentally flawed as it denies Palestinians the Right of Return; it abandons the Palestinians living within Israel; it does not provide Palestinians any semblance of an independent sovereign state and it allows the US to maintain its role as the main imperialist occupier of the entire Middle East.” [7]. Central is their demand for an end to all U.S. aid to Israel now — military, economic, and political. That call stateside can be a primary focus in all anti-authoritarian campaigning for a just solution. It has the support of anarchists in the belly of Leviathan in Israel.

1. Uri Avnery, “King George,” 22 Jan 2005, www.truthout.org/docs_05/012405I.shtml

2. MER, “Abu Mazen poised to accept Sharon Plan,” 27 Jan 2005, www.middleeast.org

3. Accessible at http://gush-shalom.org/pr/pr13-1-2005eng.html

4. For information on the PNI, see www.almubadara.org For links to some of his articles, www.palestinemonitor.org/archives/Article_archives_04.htm

5. See Beverley Milton-Edwards and Alastair Crooke, “Elusive Ingredient;Hamas and the Peace Process,” 25 Aug 2004, MIFTAH, www.miftah.org/Display.cfm?DocId=4591&CategoryId=21

6. “Israel plans big Jerusalem land grab,” Al-jazeera, 20 Jan 2005, http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/0B317D0C-9689-43F0-B773-E6A833C8F296.htm

7. Lana Habash and Noah Cohen, “Zionism is the Issue: Building a Strong Pro-Palestinian Movement In the US,” 11 Jan 2005, www.onepalestine.org/resources/articles/Zionism_Is_Issue.html

A Recruiter Near YOU

The following US Army recruiting stations are in or near areas that have significant radical communities. Therefore, this is a reasonable initial list of recruiting stations that could be targeted for disruptive actions designed to cripple the US war effort in Iraq. A diversity of tactics is in order, ranging from protests, telephone call campaigns and informational pickets to occupations, wheatpasting, graffiti, etc. Folks may want to design theater performances wherein buzz cut potential recruits show up and ask some mighty hard questions about all those weapons of mass destruction and the “don’t ask, don’t tell policy.” The recruitment arm of the military is essential to the functioning of the whole machine — they shouldn’t get a free ride here in the US while the slaughter continues in Iraq. Get together with your friends, use you’re creativity and don’t get caught!

Arizona

  • Tucson: 2302 E. Speedway Blvd. # 112, Sun, AZ 85719, 520-326-6957
  • Phoenix: 1647-C West Bethany Home Road, Phoenix, AZ 85015, 602-249-2320
  • California

    • Oakland: 2116 Broadway, Oakland, CA 94612, 510-835-7985
    • San Francisco: 670 Davis St, Golden Gateway Common # 111, San Francisco, CA 94111, 415-433-4512
    • San Diego: 4150 Mission Blvd. #. 159, San Diego, CA 92109, 858-273-3781
    • Los Angeles: 2700 Colorado Blvd # 149, Los Angeles, CA 90041
    • Santa Cruz: 2121 41st Ave # 204, Capitola, CA 95010, 831-464-0461
    • Eureka: 3220 S. Broadway Suite A-13, Eureka, CA 95501, 707-443-3019

    Colorado

    • Denver: 130 Tivoli Student Union, 900 Auraria Pkwy Unit 130, Denver, CO 80204, 720-904-2174
    • Boulder: 3055 Walnut St, Palm Gardens Shpg Ctr, Boulder, CO 80301, 303-442-1751

    Connecticut

    • New Haven: 161 Orange Street, New Haven, CT 06510, 203-624-3312

    Florida

    • Gainesville: 3218 SW 35th Blvd, # D, Butler Plaza, Gainesville, FL 32608, 352-335-5600
    • Pensacola: Southgate Plaza, 528 N. Navy Blvd, Suite C., Pensacola, FL 32507, 850-458-9996
    • Miami: Boulevard Shops, 1401 Biscayne Blvd, # 1490-D, Miami, FL 33132, 305-371-8755

    Georgia

    • Atlanta: 650 Ponce De Leon, # 640-B, Midtown Place Shopping Center, Atlanta, GA 30308, 404-685-9994

    Illinois

    • Chicago: 1239 N Clybourn Ave, Suite 226, Chicago, IL 60610, 312-202-0430
    • Champaign/Urbana: Plaza West, 1615 Springfield Ave, Champaign, IL 61821, 217-356-2838

    Indiana

    • Indianapolis: 302 Washington Pointe Drive, Indianapolis, IN 46229, 317-898-3032
    • Bloomington: 327 S Walnut St # 102, Bloomington, IN 47401, 812-333-0240

    Kansas

    • Lawrence: 115 South Clairborne, Olathe, KS 66062, 913-764-2113

    Louisiana

    • New Orleans: 514 City Park Ave, New Orleans, LA 70119, 504-488-6672

    Maryland

    • Baltimore: 1253 W. Pratt Street # D, Mountclair Junction Shopping Ctr, Baltimore, MD 21223, 410-727-2769

    Massachusetts

    • Boston: 141 Tremont Street, Boston, MA 02111, 617-426-6488
    • Western Mass: Big Y Plaza, 485a Newton Street, South Hadley, MA 01075, 413-533-2501

    Minnesota

      Minneapolis: 9 Sixth Ave South, Hopkins, MN 55343, 952-935-3000

    Missouri

    • Kansas City: 3909 S. Main Street, Kansas City, MO 64111, 816-561-0613

    Nebraska

    • Lincoln: Military & Naval Science Bldg, Rm 205, 14th & Vine Sts, Lincoln, NE 68588, 402-472-4602

    New York

    • Manhatten: 688 6th Avenue 2nd Flr, New York, NY 10010, 212-255-8229

    North Carolina

    • Durham: U.S. Army Recruiting Station, 3400 Westgate Dr, Westgate Plaza, Durham, NX 27707, 919-490-6671

    Ohio

    • Oberlin: 300 Broadway Ave, Lorain, OH 44052, 440-245-6351
    • Toledo: Miracle Mile Shopping Center, 4925 Jackman Rd, Toledo, OH 43613, 419-292-0358
    • Oregon

      • Portland: 1317 NE Broadway St, Portland, OR 97232, 503-284-4005
      • Eugene: Santa Clara Shopping Center, 65-J Division Avenue, Suite D, Eugene, OR 97404, 541-345-3877
      • Pennyslvania

        • Philadelphia: Auerbach Bldg, 125 N. Broad Street, Philadelphia, PA 19107, 215-568-1921
        • Pittsburgh: 3712 Forbes Avenue, 2nd Floor, Pittsburgh, PA 15213, 412-683-1057

        Tennessee

        • Knoxville: 168 N Seven Oaks Drive, Windsor Square Shopping Center, Knoxville, TN 37922, 865-690-0473

        Texas

        • Austin: 2025 Guadalupe, Ste 258, Dobie Mall-Ut Campus, Austin, TX 78705, 512-472-7616
        • Houston: River Oaks Plaza Shopping Ctr, 1432 West Gray, Houston, TX 77019, 713-942-0120

        Virginia

        • Richmond: Shops At Willow Lawn, Store 301d, 1602 Willow Lawn Drive, Richmond, VA 23230, 804-285-6690

        Washington

        • Olympia: 400 Cooper Point Rd Ste Cv6, Olympia, WA 98502, 360-943-3732
        • Seattle: 2301 S Jackson St Ste 205, Seattle, WA 98144, 206-324-3437

        Washington, DC

        • Franklin Ct Bldg, Box 18 1099 14th Street Nw ( L St. Entrance), Washington, DC 20005, 202-761-4344

        Wisconsin

        • Madison: 73 University Square, Madison, WI 53715, 608-255-4684
        • Milwaukee: 3133 N Oakland Ave, Milwaukee, WI 53211, 414-963-4727

Word of Encouragement from and Expatriate CO

“America, love it or leave it.” That’s what a lot of us resisters and conscientious objectors heard back in the sixties and seventies. I was one of the ones who took the advice literally. The United States seemed like a foreign country to me then, and it still does now.

As an expatriate living in Japan, I rely on the Internet to get my alternative news. I have to admit to an obsessive addiction to searching such sites as Citizen Soldier, Iraq Veterans Against the War, Military Families Speak Out, SNAFU, as well as older ones like Vietnam Veterans Against the War, Veterans for Peace, War Resisters League, and several others in an attempt to keep up with what’s going on in my old “foreign country.” I find it welcoming, encouraging, and even a bit nostalgic to read that military resistance to the Iraq war is gaining momentum — some soldiers refusing to carry out “suicide” missions; a few soldiers fleeing to Canada to seek refugee status; military families speaking out publicly against the war and setting up websites to spread their message; suits being filed in federal court challenging the Bush administration’s “stop-loss” policy that forces soldiers to remain in uniform for a year or more after their contracts expire.

I often send letters of encouragement to these new conscientious objectors. I want them to know that they’re not alone, that their actions are admirable and right, that they may suffer abuse, indignity, harassment, and perhaps even ostracism and imprisonment, but in the long run their lives will turn out all right.

I can certainly empathize with the loneliness, the weight, and the enormity of what goes into making the decision to resist. In your late teens and early twenties, you’re seldom able to articulate the full depth of your feelings, morals, and values. You’re scared. You feel weak and not up to the task. You’re often full of self doubt. You know the decision will change the course of the rest of your life. It changed mine irrevocably.

Late in 1969 I became a conscientious objector (CO) from within the Air Force after being hoodwinked by a recruiter into believing I’d never have to carry a gun. Country bumpkin that I was at the age of eighteen, I bought that lie hook, line, and sinker. Turned out I had to undergo combat training for the job of guarding B-52 bombers. Not long after Kent State, I got my order to Southeast Asia. By that time, I was involved with a few GI “heads” who were putting out an antiwar paper. I refused my order and was court-martialed. My legal counsel was an antiwar man who’d been drafted after he completed his law degree and decided to join the Air Force so he could work from within the system rather than head off to Canada and waste all that schooling. I was his first big case and he worked hard on it.

My court martial took place on October 8, 1970. I was charged with willful disobedience to a direct lawful order and faced a maximum five years of hard labor in the brig and a dishonorable discharge. I was found not guilty of the original charge, but guilty of the lesser charge of negligent disobedience and sentenced to six months with no punitive discharge. The reason I was found not guilty of the original charge was that I never said a direct “no” to my commanding officer when I was called before him and given the formal order. I just kept repeating “I don’t feel I’m mentally or physically capable of killing another human being.” It was my initiation into the power of language. That one sentence saved four and a half years of my life. They sent me off to a special Air Force prison in Colorado for nonviolent offenders, who were given a chance to rehabilitate, retrain into a different career field, and return to the service with a chance to serve out their obligation and get a good discharge. I didn’t buy into the brainwashing, adamantly refused to follow the program, and eventually got kicked out with an “undesirable” discharge.

That experience was the springboard for a nomadic life that led me through many countries, many jobs and changes, and finally to Japan, where I’ve lived and worked since 1983. I can truthfully say that I haven’t regretted for a moment my decision to resist. My life has been full and rewarding. Although I could not have fathomed the thought at the age of eighteen, I now know that I’m a small but important part of a long history. As long as there have been wars, there have also been voices raised in opposition to wars. It’s a tradition of which I’m proud to be a part.

So what can we tell this new generation of COs? How can we encourage them to keep the faith and not to lose hope? How can we let them know that their actions are worthy and meaningful? One thing is to remind them that history is on their side and that the more they resist, the more others will follow and throw huge monkey wrenches in the government and military’s ability to wage illegal and unjust wars. The more military resistance grows, the weaker the Army becomes in trying to suppress it.

A good example can be taken from my Vietnam War generation. During that war the GI movement and resistance from within the ranks definitely played a big role in bringing the war to an end. According to Heather T. Frazer and John O’Sullivan’s “We Have Just Begun to Not Fight” (Twayne Publishers, 1996), there were fifteen conscientious objectors for every 10,000 inductees into the military in World War II, or 0.15 percent. As the Vietnam War heated up and opposition to it escalated, the number of COs increased rapidly. In 1968, the percentage of COs per number of inductees rose to 8.5 percent. In 1969, it reached 13.5 percent; in 1970, 25.6 percent; in 1971, 42.6 percent. In 1972, with the scaling down of American forces in Vietnam and the winding down of the draft, for the first time in history more men were classified as COs than were inducted: 33,041 to 25,273.

Another example comes from James Lewis’s “Protest and Survive: Underground GI Newspapers During the Vietnam War” (Prager, 2003). Included in that book are tables showing year by year Reported Incidents of GI Dissent, Military Antiwar Activists Arrested, and Average Sentence per GI Activist. The latter table shows that in 1966 the average sentence per GI activist was over forty months at hard labor. By 1969 it had fallen to less than five months at hard labor. This corresponded with a large number of “fragging” cases and a huge jump in reported incidents of dissent. You could say the military was losing control of its own soldiers and having to bow to pressure from within.

With the ongoing occupation of Iraq, the Abu Ghraib prison and other scandals, and the strong possibility that the draft will return soon, thousands of young men and women are faced once again with the issue of following their consciences. If they — civilians and current soldiers alike — resist the war in large numbers, they have the ability to bring the senseless killing to a standstill and make their thousands of predecessors like Henry David Thoreau, Eugene Debs, Mahatma Gandhi, William Stafford, Martin Luther King, Mohammed Ali, Nelson Mandela, and even that lone Chinese student at Tiananmen Square proud. copyright (c) 2005 – Robert W. Norris

Robert W. Norris has lived and taught English in Japan since 1983. He is the author of three novels: “Toraware,” “Looking for the Summer,” and “The Many Roads to Japan.” He is a professor and the dean of students at Fukuoka International University. Check out Norris’s homepage at www2.gol.com/users norris/

Mind Freedom

Momentum continues to grow for MindFreedom International’s 2005 Action Conference April 29 to May 2 entitled, “Activism for Human Rights in Mental Health: How the Law Can Support Grassroots Action for Human Rights in the Mental Health System.” The 2005 Action Conference will bring together key leaders, activists, allies and advocates in the field of human rights for people labeled with psychiatric disabilities. It will take place at the American University Washington College of Law in Washington, D.C. A protest will be held at the end of the conference at noon on May 2 at the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PHRMA).

Pre-registration is required. MindFreedom Support Coalition International is a grassroots human rights non-profit uniting over 100 sponsor groups in 15 countries working for human rights and alternatives in mental health. The organization is a Non Governmental Organization accredited by the United Nations. Sometimes called the “Amnesty International of mental health,” MindFreedom is independent from any government, mental health provider, drug company or religion.

For more info, contact: MindFreedom 454 Willamette, Suite 216 PO Box 11284 Eugene, OR 9744-3484, www.MindFreedom.org

Goodbye 40th Street!

The 40th Street Warehouse

b. February 6, 1996

d. February 1, 2005

The 40th Street Warehouse was started nine years ago, in Oakland, California, with hopes of creating a space to work on art and music and life in a town of cramped options.

The first shows were artsy and small—noise music and twisted visuals—stark, one could say. Over the next few years, the character of the place shifted to a loosely-conceived crust scene and later into a more politically-oriented DIY punk sort of world. With this came an increase in vision and organization, and as the venue became a Venue things kind of exploded. We began to rethink what the space meant to us, and decided that we wouldn’t accommodate as many bigger bands, instead choosing to open up space for smaller or more fringe acts to find a home. Cabarets moved in, as did a wider range of musical sensibilities. Workshops happened and the first East Bay Skillshare found a partial home here.

Last year, well into the beginning of the end, some long-cooking pots began to boil over. For a few years the landlord had been talking of the theoretical day when she would kick us out to renovate the Warehouse and make it into live-work lofts. She had been waiting until the condos she’d built behind the building found tenants, and soon they did. It’s unclear who, but it was around this time that someone began calling the police on our shows. For weeks in a row we had to deal with police presence (this after maybe two calls a year for the past many), culminating in a serious blow to the warehouse that forced us to stop all shows, when the police came one afternoon to have a talk. The space was just in slumber until we regrouped, we thought—but that was before an eviction notice came.

And here we are, evicted, the place about to be knocked to the ground. Nine years, maybe five hundred shows, upwards of 40 roommates and a looming cloud of mostly pleasant memories later. In a just world, places like 40th would not be part of the dirty cycle of gentrification—not participants or sufferers, of which we are both—and homes like this one, here, could last forever. Now what we get to do is learn our lessons and take them with us as we start again.

***

The warehouse was the first place I really made my home and the place that taught me how to find home in any place. It has been a converging web of many different communities here in the bay, and amidst its limitations and its boundaries (cultural, musical, social, class, and on and on) I feel like it’s very clearly not just me who’s grown in big ways through the plurality of the changing faces that this place has borne.

There’s important models to be built from the ruins and memories of places like this and I don’t want to let that slip away. I feel that there’s clear lessons—knowledge built on trial, failure, and time—lessons about the many meanings, facets, and depths of the ubiquitous word “community” and the worth and necessity of semi-sacred gathering halls like this one. Something to take with us as we struggle to construct healing realities within the cultures of degradation we all endure and perpetuate and reside in. For me there’s a lesson in having to take it with me or watch it die.

I hope I’m not just aggrandizing this place through my milky haze of nostalgia (because I’ve got one, for sure). I just mean to recognize the many ways in which this space—a place of growth and of stagnancy, careless gestures and sincere connections at once, and a waystation for many—has given a stronger sense of home to those who’ve known it, like a tiny anchor to secure you just enough that you can handle the fact that you’re still floating away.

Between Iraq and a Hard Place

The US is not in control of Iraq, thanks to overwhelming resistance. Contrary to US claims, the insurgency is primarily Iraqi, enjoys wide societal support, spans religious and ethnic lines, and is only growing stronger. As Iraqis struggle to make ending the occupation a key issue in the upcoming elections, people wonder if the elections will actually resemble anything mildly democratic. Iraq is one mess the US made but cannot clean up; the US is the mess.

The US may be winning battles, but it is losing the war. Every time the US destroys a city — the mosques, random homes, hospitals — more resistance fighters stand up. With the hearts and minds battle lost long ago, US strategists want overstretched US troops to continue random carnage and destruction in search of “terrorists.” But it’s the US commanders who are committing the war crimes. The ruling class interests fueling the war — the desire to control not only the oil reserves but also the Chinese and European economies dependent on the same stock — won’t give up. The US strategy for control works only when everybody’s playing the same game, imperial capitalism. The Iraqi people aren’t playing this game; they’re not being proper pawns, in fact they’re shoving Improvised Explosive Devices up the butts of the US. The US strategy is failing.

Who is this resistance? An inventory of groups from Sept. 19, 2004 published in the Baghdad paper Al Zawra lists three main Sunni coalitions, two Shi’ite militias, and nine groups tactically based on kidnappings. Four of the latter are specifically associated with Al-Queda, like Zarqawi’s cell which has become the recent terrorist darling of the US media. The kidnappers do not enjoy as much popular support as the other groups: “Without a shred of evidence, Bush, Blair, and [Iraqi president] Iyad Allawi’s quisling regime shamelessly declare that they are only pursuing the Jordanian kidnapper Zarqawi and other ‘foreign terrorists,’“ writes Sami Ramadani in the Saudi Arabia-based Arab News. “The people of Falluja, their leaders, negotiators and resistance fighters have always denounced Zarqawi and argued that such gangs have been encouraged to undermine the resistance.”

Although the US media repeatedly has said the resistance is the work of Saddam’s Ba’ath party, sources differ on the strength of these ties. Several of the smaller Sunni factions are opposed to Saddam, while groups that are explicitly Ba’athist reportedly are involved in supplying weapons and financing the operations, rather than actual fighting. Sunni groups tend to use offensive, guerrilla warfare tactics of attacking when the enemy is weak and then slipping away. Sunni Muslims, who comprise 20% of the Iraqi population but were in power with Saddam, may lose significant influence if an elected government reflects the 60% Shi’ite majority.

The main arm of Shi’ite resistance is young fundamentalist cleric Muqtada al-Sadr’s militia of poor urban youth. Shi’ite leaders, particularly the head cleric Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, generally have not directly targeted the occupation. Al-Sadr did criticize the occupation and his group repeatedly has been targeted by US forces, starting with the closing of his newspaper and culminating in a violent fight and cease-fire in the Shi’ite holy city of Najaf at the end of August.

Unifying the resistance

In a context where the traditional internal divisions can only aid the US, several groups are working to unify the resistance. Muslim scholars emphasized avoiding sectarian conflict as they issued a fatwa (religious edict) November 20, calling resistance to occupation forces a religious duty for all Muslims. “Iraq today is targeted by a serious conspiracy that aims at destroying its social structure, even if it remains as one state. This would be by stirring up sectarian and ethnic strife and augmenting the points of disagreement. Religious and national duty requires that such differences be renounced. Everybody should be united to expel the occupation and build a unified Iraq for all its population,” said the statement from the International Federation of Muslim Scholars. They condemned hostage-taking, attacks on media and humanitarian workers, and said prisoners of war should be treated well.

The widely-supported Iraq National Foundation Congress sponsors joint Sunni-Shia prayers, a key force in the 1920 revolution that ended colonial British rule. Established in July of this year, the group brings leftists, Kurds, and Christians together with pre-Saddam Ba’athists and members of powerful Sunni and Shia cleric associations. Although the Congress does not reject armed resistance, it advocates peaceful resistance instead of fundamentalist militias like Al-Sadr’s. In an interview with The Guardian (UK), Congress spokesman Wamidh Nadhmi said the real division in Iraq is not between Arab and Kurd, Sunni and Shia, or secular and religious, but between “the pro-occupation camp and the anti-occupation camp. The pro-occupation people are either completely affiliated to the US and Britain, in effect puppets, or they saw no way to overthrow Saddam without occupation. Unfortunately, the pro-occupation people tend not to distinguish between resistance and terrorism, or between anti-occupation civil society and those who use violence.” Sheik Jawad al-Khalisi, general secretary of the Congress, points out, “The media focus on violence, and the generally positive foreign coverage of the efforts of Ayad Allawi’s new government “to defeat the insurgency,” has created a false impression that the government’s opponents use only force, and those who support peace support the government, and so the occupation.”

The resistance is not limited to extremist fringes of society, as US media coverage suggests. It includes Arab nationalists, Muslim mujahideen, and Iraqis not particularly religious but “outraged to see their country’s resources robbed while they live in slums, drink water mixed with sewage and have no say in the political process,” Haifa Zangana writes in The Guardian. Thousands of people demonstrated across Iraq in support of Falluja, a city that never fully submitted to either colonial British rule or to Saddam’s regime.

“Iraqis are not focused on whether things would be better had the invasion not happened. What they want to know is how and when the manifestly unsafe world they face every day… is going to change. They also constantly argue whether the presence of foreign forces makes it better or worse,” notes The Guardian’s Jonathan Steele.

Radical Islamic cleric Al-Sadr has earned wide support not for his religious views per se, but because he has been repeatedly targeted by the US. The continual rampage by US troops appears to be pushing public opinion towards fundamentalism: February polls reported only 21% of Iraqis wanting an Islamic state, up to 70% by August. These polls didn’t make the important distinction between a radical and a moderate Islamic state, but the trend is clear. According to Sheikh Khalisi, “Iraqis are looking for security, and can be seduced by hope. Extreme dictatorships are always formed in a context when nations seek stability. It happened when the shah took power in Iran, with Ataturk in Turkey, and Saddam Hussein here.”

Elections

Groups like the Iraq National Federation Congress would like the elections set [as of press date] for January 30 for 275 National Assembly members to focus on ending the occupation. Key players in the election span the country’s religious and ethnic groups, and the potential for a representative democracy exists. But CIA tampering seems imminent. Ahmed Chelabi, the old Pentagon favorite, has been befriending Shia power structures and may end up in the new government even though he is not respected by many Iraqis.

“Bush and Blair are terrified of the Iraqi people voting for anti-occupation leaders. They will accept nothing sh
ort of the legitimization, through sham elections supervised by the occupation authorities, of an Allawi-style puppet regime,” writes Sami Ramandani. “How much more should the Iraqi people be subjected to for Bush and Blair to have their ‘democratically’ chosen puppets installed in Baghdad?”

A wide variety of Iraqi organizations are calling for a boycott of the elections, while an equally wide assortment of groups are running candidate lists. The US press says the boycott merely reflects minority Sunni fear that they will lose power to a Shia-dominated government — but boycotting groups say legitimate elections are impossible under US occupation. As of press date, it appears possible that elections will be postponed in the hope that security can be improved, although if the occupation continues, it is hard to see how that could happen. Two senior Sunni clerics were mysteriously assassinated in early November after their organization called for the boycott — an organization actually created by US-led forces after Saddam’s ousting to fill an anticipated Sunni power vacuum, according to al-Jazeera.

The solution is extremely complicated. The US expects ethnic and religious groups with a centuries-old history of conflict to unite graciously and form a ‘representative democracy’ — with massive slaughter and carnage committed by US troops glowing rosily in the background. The US has created a gaping wound in Iraq; continued foreign military presence can only exacerbate the situation. The United States should pull out immediately and let the Iraqis pick up the pieces from Saddam themselves.

Apparently the US enjoys staring down the throat of a fourth world war, as neocon Frank Gaffney, one of the Project for a New American Century crew, speculates grandly. Everytime Bush mentions bombing Iran, the prospect of regional war increases. The US government likes having a war on, because it’s a grand excuse for all sorts of civil liberties clampdowns and defense spending. Crisis stimulates capital. But the truth is the US does not have enough troops to fight more than one major war at once. A draft is unlikely, imperial inclinations and rumors aside; the poverty draft is working well enough. An official draft would bring the war home to the middle classes, potentially sparking the kind of sixties-style anti-war movement that could stop the war.

What if there was armed resistance on US soil like that in Iraq? Iraqi people want an end to violence; many people there just want to get on with their lives with some degree of safety and stability. People in the US, particularly the middle and aspiring middle classes, have the ability to just get on with their lives, even as the government here creates a disastrous mess elsewhere. A recent CNN/USA Today poll reports almost half the people in the US think it was a mistake to send troops to Iraq. What are these 125 million people doing to stop the war?

Anti-war people can’t be stymied by the gross destruction, or by the mind-boggling complexities of the occupation. We don’t know how to stop the US government, but neither do they know what they’re doing. They didn’t plan the war well, and they don’t know how to counter the strong and creative resistance in Iraq. Yet they plow ahead, dogmatically following capitalism’s edict to build a puppet democracy on a foundation of dead Iraqi bodies. Unlike government bureaucrats, we don’t have to numbly stumble along in our daily lives, because we have a million people and therefore a million ways to resist the war. Just like there’s not one group masterminding the resistance in Iraq, there’s not a blueprint for the anti-war movement here at home, so we should stop looking for it and follow our own hearts and minds. If we turn up the volume, doing all we can to stop the occupation within the context of our daily lives, the resistance here will be so varied and unpredictable that it will be the definition of political instability.

Ultimately, the US can bomb the shit out of Iraq only as long as troops there cooperate and things remain stabilized — paralyzed — stateside. The troops are voting with their feet; of 4,000 reservists recently called to serve, 1,800 filed lawsuits against the military, and 700 simply didn’t show up. A National Guard unit recently refused its mission. When will we wake up here at home?

Let's Get Freaky

A call for diversionary tactics

In the wake of the election, wingnuts – already teetering on the fringes of reality – have got our work cut out for us. If in fact we now face the prospect of a Christian fundamentalist assault on abortion, gays, birth control – probably alcohol, drugs and porn, too, if they get a chance – then it’s high time to begin a counter-offensive — the best defense is a good offense!

Folks on the extreme fringes have a crucial role right now — which is to be on the extreme fringe and keep the political spectrum as wide as possible. The right-wing would like to move the debate ever further to the right – so that fringe issues and in fact fringe reality doesn’t even exist. If this happens, what are now the moderate issues could become the far-out end of the political continuum.

For example, Bush is believed to have used the gay marriage issue to help him win the election. We have to keep in mind that gay marriage is essentially an attempt by the more mainstream wing of the gay movement to assimilate into the mainstream – to be entitled to everything “normal” people are entitled to. That is cool and a worthy goal – but on the fringes, we have to recognize that winning gay marriage isn’t the radical forefront – having polyamorous, gender traitorous orgies in the streets is more like it. Right now, mainstream civil rights groups are talking about how they’re going to avoid pressing demands for gay marriage for the moment, because the movement for gay marriage is creating a perfect wedge issue. That is a calculation by responsible folks – many of whom have “activist” jobs with non-profits. Out on the fringes, reality looks a little different – those Christians would be begging gays to have nice, monogamous, suburban lives if they realized the alternative options for queer chaos. If gay marriage is a threat to het marriage, doesn’t polyamorous sexual chaos represent an even greater threat?

If you want equal rights for gays to be “normal” people, then the offensive strategy is to fight for the freaks. If you want to stay on the defensive, then do what the moderates do – pull gay marriage off the table because it might offend the Christian right, and see if you can work on subtle changes to the tax code or whatever to provide more space for folks in civil unions.

The same theory works for most issues – Earth First! or the Earth Liberation Front define the fringes of the environmental movement while the Sierra Club engineers sensible compromises that usually leave the earth worse off. Playing defense is always going to get us the crumbs. The Christian right didn’t win the last election by playing defense – they fought for what they actually wanted. The fringe is always tiny and marginalized, and usually has influence far beyond its apparent marginalization. Those of us on the fringe have to remember that as millions of Kerry voters sink into a post-election depression — we have to avoid catching their negative energy.

Radicals in America have a lot to learn from the rebels in Iraq. When you’re battling an empire, a lot of times it’s not the best idea to launch a frontal assault on heavily armed troops. Instead, the guerrilla looks for weak spots, looks to distract the enemy from it’s main goal, looks to move in the shadows until the crucial moment. Being a radical in America, we share a common struggle with the rebels in Iraq – we reject the brutal American empire and its occupation of our homes. But conditions are not precisely the same — conditions are totally inappropriate for tiny bands of youth to “go underground” and take up small arms in the USA. That may sound romantic to a few people, but a romantic suicide doesn’t help anyone. However, the root of guerrilla tactics still apply – we need to pick fights that favor our spontaneity, flexibility, the element of surprise and our other strengths and avoid battles on terrain chosen by the rulers.

When a baby wants to play with a hot fire place poker, you try to distract the baby with something a little safer, like a rattle. The right wing wants to spend the next four years going after abortion, gays and women. The fringe has an opportunity to distract them and force them to waste their energy instead of using their time effectively. So like the guerrillas in Iraq, who launched an uprising in Mosul while US forces invaded Falluja, as wingnuts we ought to be figuring out diversionary attacks that we can mount against religious fundamentalists, rather than spending the next four years in a defensive mode trying to preserve a mainstream status quo.

I’ve been trying to think of actions designed to be so outrageous that the right-wing would be forced to drop what they want to do to stop them. Even if such actions don’t work as diversions, they can help keep the political field broad and let freaks everywhere know that we’re not alone, and we’re not going away!

But figuring out appropriate actions is hard when the stakes are high and your main strengths are humor and being a total freak — you don’t want to just have a really outrageous Sodomy in the Streets (SITS) party while the US empire is shooting civilians in Iraq. My friend thinks we could disrupt reality by going around the country planting marijuana seedballs so pot would start growing everywhere like the weed it is. Cute idea, but let’s be serious.

Another idea I had right after the election was to mount a campaign of Bible Burning. Remember a few years ago when the political establishment had to drop what it was doing to try to stop flag burning? For some reason this totally symbolic act by a tiny number of wingnuts drove the political establishment nuts. So I was thinking, if flag burning drives ‘em crazy, how about Bible burning? But I think this is probably not a great tactic for a few reasons: it’s scary and negative, evoking images of Nazi book burnings, it ignores the liberatory threads of some religious folks, and it only highlights what we’re against, not what we can be for. I do like it because it could be an insane diversionary tactic – wouldn’t it be great if church groups spent time banning bible burning instead of banning abortion? We need to be creative, but also be thoughtful and not allow our own fear and prejudices to lead us into our own intolerant actions. Intolerance is a far greater threat to the fringe than to the mainstream.

Because we’re in the belly of the beast here in the U$A, we have a crucial role – determination and even some discipline are in order. We have to use all means at hand in the struggle – a wide variety of tactics gives us the best chance to discover what will work.

After turning it over in my mind for the past few weeks, I have to admit that I have no idea what kind of actions we need to be up to, but I’m pretty sure we need to try some new things. The night after the election, the usual suspects gathered on Mission Street in San Francisco to protest, but this response seemed weak and somehow inappropriate. We shouldn’t stop protesting and resisting, of course, but couldn’t we be a little less ritualistic? If we have rallies and protests to lift our spirits, act in solidarity with peace and freedom loving people outside the USA, and show that there are alternatives to the grim drumbeat of war and capitalism, that is great. But our protests need to serve our own purposes — traditional protests seem less relevant at the moment.

I think the best hope is for lots of people all over to think of some new ideas and try some freak experiments — and then report the results to everyone else. Decentralization and diversity are strengths in uncertain times. Seize the moment and let your freak flag fly!

The A in Family

In order to create a bridge between self-determining individuals and community people need family. Whomever it’s comprised of; whether the ties are blood or choice, we are shaped and supported throughout our whole lives by family.

I struggle with the family aspect of being an anarchist precisely most of the family I have are not radicals. The people who would bail me out of jail or visit me everyday in the hospital or cook me dinner if I had a baby don’t understand anti-capitalist libertarianism. But I love them, and must somehow bridge myself into my community with this “foreign” family.

How do I do this? I find more people within my community to take on those roles. I put more of myself into my affinity groups than just the work that needs to be done. I double up on role models, so that I have my grandfather of blood and my grandfather of radical faerie empowerment.

A century ago in the States, family was several generations thick, several degrees of cousins wide and capable of adopting orphans, “godchildren” and unmarried friends. With the rise of industrial labor, families changed as they moved to find work. Developers created single family housing for the masses, and the suburbs were born. From the fifties onward, media and the economy have impressed that the fam is just ma, pa, your siblings and the dog. Moral conservatives who fight for a return to “family values” are responding to this degeneration of support networks. They just offer alternatives unpalatable to many queer, open or radical people.

Anarchist family, for me, is the multigenerational network of people who support, teach, challenge, love, encourage, rely on and accompany us through parts or all of our lives. We make a family of our hearts when our blood kin–by death, distance or dysfunction–can’t be with us. In short, who would you cry with?

I have heard people lament over the imbalance of generations within anarchism, within every scene. People note that we lack a connected community of older (like, post-menopausal) radicals who can offer wisdom and tactics, as well as children with whom we practice our consensus and commitment to self-determination. Yes, radicals have kids and yes, radicals are grandparents but our movements are still youth centered. Communities of mature radicals won’t intersect completely with communities of younger radicals—socially or politically—so we must find other ground to meet on. We can appreciate the experience and company of people at a different stage of life without needing to be the same. If we generally lack role models and youth we foster, how are we to improve our practice of anarchism with each generation?

The healthiest forms of non blood anarchist family I’ve seen are collective houses that intentionally interweave their lives. Besides having physical space to gather, houses have the informal contact that make intimacy possible and support easier to ask for. It can be easier to break out of loneliness when you’ve only got to go downstairs to dinner.

Outside of houses, long-term collectives are the anarchist structure best suited to “family building.” We had a big transformation last year at Slingshot, when we finally spent more time hanging out than working on the paper. When life’s serious shit descended on several of us, it wasn’t awkward to ask for support. In fact, it would have been awkward not to ask for support. That was when I knew that my family had grown.

By no means do anarchists have a monopoly on chosen families. Churches, unions and social clubs have taken the place of blood family, especially in the twentieth century. A family can be created by any group with affinity, given that it satisfies certain needs. First, people must be held together by a purpose. In blood families, it can be as simple as obligation, but it can be complex. People must have incentive to care for one another, and the care must be reciprocal. Often, we are cared for by family in our youth and then return that love later on when the people who foster us get older. There must also be space and time for regular intersection and a culture to hand down. Families have stories of origin, and of the joys and sufferings shared, as well as a reason why they are unique and important. The stories may change, but they must be passed on.

The public debate on family doesn’t address our need for support in the face of economic or emotional privation. When the religious right talk about “family values” and “preserving family,” the overtones of sexism and heterosexism make debating that much more difficult. However, addressing the fears about love and support are simple. If a family is held together by patriarchy and guilt, it probably isn’t satisfying to be a part of. We can never be obliged to love and we can never regulate true family. We will find a way to be ourselves within our blood families or we will find families that love us as we are or we will do both. Maybe so many people pass through radical scenes but settle for boring jobs and weekends mowing the lawn because there is no family ready-made to be had around here, just the ingredients for one tailor-made. They fall prey to the mainstream narrative that family is a little nuclear clique. We must each choose (mutually) our mentors, our teachers, our sibling-peers and the people we will encourage in turn.

Let your redefinition of family be a step toward a more radical world. Invite fellow radicals closer, and share, in small ways at first, anarchism with your existing family. Think about what culture your families have given you and what you want to pass on. We need to hand different stories and values to the next generation, and first we must make them family.

I wanted to write about family because of my twelve cousins. We played and feasted together every Sunday until I was twelve. They taught me fun, cooperation, mischief, solidarity, and love. And though we now gather only once every few years, they are people who know me beneath the skin and love me still. It’s never hard to come back together. I find relief knowing that they are in the world, and hopefully it is mutual.

Slingshot Box

Slingshot is an independent, volunteer-run, more-often-than-quarterly radical newspaper published in the East Bay since 1988.

You’ll notice that this issue is slightly shorter than usual — only 12 pages. Slingshot has been publishing more often (every two months) and our distribution keeps improving, but one critical deficiency has been good articles to publish. We get a lot of submissions, but almost all of them are rants, which isn’t really what we’re looking for. What we need is hard-hitting, well researched and carefully reasoned articles that address the critical political situation we’re in. Between the war, the increasing tide of right-wing religious intolerance, prisons and the continuing environmental crisis, radical media like this paper are important. We want it to be as well written and relevant as possible. If you’re thinking of writing something, the article “Media that inspires action” on this page contains a few ideas about the kind of articles we would like to see. Send something or call us.

A lot of heavy shit is going on in the world right now, and while we were creating this issue, some of us felt a kind of personal/ political crisis because we couldn’t seem to figure out how to publish the kind of powerful, radical response to these events that we had hoped for. So this is our best shot. Given all the death and destruction going on right now — not to mention Bush’s reelection — you’ll probably join us in finding this issue a bit fluffy. But we’re happy that at least it isn’t negative or depressing. And some of the articles, after a lot of editing and revisions, are turning out really great.

Part of the reason this issue felt like a crisis to some of us is that creating Slingshot is a cathartic personal and political process. When scary political stuff happens — the war in Iraq, 9-11, domestic political crackdown — it is easy to feel totally powerless. But then we remember “oh yeah, at least we have a paper so we can respond!”

By writing our Slingshot articles, we try to work through the political situation in our minds and regain our sense of courage and pragmatic optimism. We spell out our vision for a different world. While we can’t always realize this vision right now, a lot of times putting it on paper makes it clear that we are living little pieces of that vision all the time without realizing it — that change is happening and that we’re participating in the struggle everyday. We recognize that we’re far from powerless and that we’re not alone. We hope you’ll join us in this process of searching, writing, inspiration and ultimately, action.

This issue marks the return of Spanish translation pages, which took a vacation last issue. A huge thanks to the numerous translators who made this possible on short notice and under stressful conditions. Including the Spanish translations is extremely challenging — we dream of having a more consistent and stable translation committee that could make the Spanish pages a routine part of our process, instead of a mini-crisis that gets repeated each issue.

As always, editorial decisions are made by the Slingshot collective, but not all the articles reflect the opinions of collective members. We welcome debate, constructive criticism and discussion.

Letters

Hi there Sling Shot folks,

I’m eagerly awaiting my very own copy of the 2005 Slingshot Organizer. A friend of mine got an organizer early, and showed me the section on Emergency Contraception. I was really excited to see that you included this information, since it is one of my personal favorite medical topics. I did notice that some of your information was debatable if not inaccurate, and I wanted to let you know.

In the section on the pharmaceutical forms of emergency contraception (EC), there were two things that I noted:

  • You state that EC prevents implantation of a fertilized egg. Actually, we don’t know exactly how EC works – it may prevent sperm from moving through the uterus to the tubes, it may prevent ovulation or fertilization directly, or it may prevent implantation. Some people take these distinctions very seriously – they make the difference between EC being an acceptable form of contraception, or an unacceptable form of early abortion. Because you only mention the prevention of implantation, some people may not use EC based on their political or religious beliefs.
  • You state that anyone who has contraindications to using oral contraceptives should not use EC. Actually, since EC is only used once, and does not expose a woman to long-term hormones, the ONLY generally accepted contraindication to using EC is current pregnancy.
  • Finally, there is a great EC resource available, at “1-888-not2late” – people can learn of health care providers in their area who will prescribe EC.

Thanks again for including EC info in the Slingshot Organizer – it is really important information that can make a huge difference in people’s lives. If you ever want/need a medical consultant or reviewer I’d be more than happy to help out. I am a family physician MD, newby herbalist and street medic. In solidarity, eowyn rieke

Slingshot response: We’re grateful for the update on ways to get EC and when you can take it. We believe that all forms of safe birth control are acceptable and that only a woman (with her doctor) can decide what’s right for her. All the ways EC may work prevent implantation, which is when an abortion becomes medically necessary. Thanks for your input!

A message on the Slingshot voicemail box . . .

hey who wrote the roadkill [inaudible – article?] The same people who drive the cars are the same people with eyeballs in their head that got their license because they’re eyeballs work and they’re the same people who are looking at the beast. You actually do computers and you don’t do cars? What the fuck is wrong with you people?! [phone slammed down]

Dear Slingshot:

I need to throw in an alternate response to the previous Slingshot article on road kill. I am a vegetarian and an animal lover and the idea that I could see a dead critter as my next pair of pants is too much. I have worked for years to buck myself up enough to remove sweet smashed and bloodied beings from the middle of the road, off the manmade surface — the death strip — back to the earth where they can decompose and go back into it, as the closed circle always does. It is hard but it’s an opportunity to apologize to them for my part, to pay respect to their sweet bunny souls, and to save other critters. Very often other animals will be killed because they are smelling or eating the critter in the road. It’s the very least I can do, being a human after all. But doing the very least just won’t do!

— Bunny lover