Ronda de Pensamiento Autonomo, Presente!

Hundreds of organizers, activists, artists, families, workers, piqueteros — members of asambleas, unions of the unemployed, and self-managed collectives — gathered in a reclaimed warehouse for the Ronda de Pensamiento Autónomo (Round of Autonomous Thinking) January 8-11 at Roca Negra, in Buenos Aires, Argentina. As part of Enero Autónomo (Autonomous January) the gathering sought to discuss and expand upon the concept of autonomy and horizontal practices and movements. From many countries and struggles they gathered to build upon the practices of direct democracy, horizontalism, autonomy, and struggle that unite the many fibers of people and practices into a fabric of passion and hope for bringing the new world in our hearts into existence. Here is the space where these shared stories and dreams meet, where rage meets pragmatism in fruitful dialogue and strategizing.

Roca Negra (Black Rock), as the space is known, is a former chop shop in Lanus, an area on the outskirts of greater Buenos Aires that was reclaimed by the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo. It is a fitting a space as any, a place that was formerly used for the operations where those screwed by economic conditions would steal from others to survive – a place that is now used for the growing of vegetables and raising of livestock to support the members of the unemployed worker unions that have called for this international gathering.

The hundreds gathered in this space come from many locations and struggles, from the Unemployed Workers Movements (MTDs) and neighborhood assemblies to indigenous communities of the Mapuche and Guarani and activists from the US and Europe. There are members of countless autonomous collectives and self-managed workplaces, including Mujeres Creando (Women Creating) from Bolivia, the Landless Peasants Movement (MST) from Brazil, Autonomista Socialista de Suecia (Sweden), the Worcester Global Action Network (from the US) and Cooperativa La Asableraria (Italy). Coming from many places and experiences the discussion is united by many common features: struggling against the corporate globalization of the Free Trade Area of the Americas, building and sustaining cooperative projects and community organizations, fostering independent media and sources of information, confronting the many varieties of oppression that exist worldwide.

International encuentros such as this one reinforce and make clear the need to build common projects, genuine solidarity, and connections of mutual aid between radical organizations. Through many discussions any emphasis was placed on how solidarity must go beyond fundraising to genuine political support and working together, common projects and work beyond piqueturismo (activist tourism) and fetishizing militant chic. When funding from NGOs, grant making foundations, government sources, and religious charities come with questionable strings attached, the building and maintaining of truly autonomous movements necessitate webs of support that enable the maintenance of dignity and self-determination. Poverty pimping and paternalism don’t magically disappear when the situation becomes international.

While it is important to appreciate the beauty and resistance displayed by organizers in Argentina, Brazil, and everywhere, it is also important to not overly idealize such movements or to forget the situations they face. For instance, while the work of MTD La Matanza and Solano is amazing and encouraging (and largely responsible for bringing together this gathering), these unions represent only a small portion of the unemployed workers who are involved in such organizations, many of whom are being co-opted and bureaucratized by the Argentinean state as it continues to repress the more radical organizers. Many of the community asambleas neighborhood associations that formed after the December 2001 financial crisis have since fallen apart as things have become more stabilized and the middle class has been bought back into the system, even if slowly.

The point of such observation is not to deny the validity or importance of such organizing, but to realize that if we as activists and organizers want to understand, support, learn from, and from with organizations not just from Argentina but anywhere in the world, it makes little sense to try to do so without gaining a fuller understanding of the political situation. Building common projects and forums of understanding means interacting with the situation as a whole, and not just the organizers whose politics and practice comes closest to the kinds of organizations that we find most desirable.

There is much to be gained by the formation and maintenance of such networks and spaces of dialogue, passion, and autonomous thought, strategy, and action – but also much to lose if idealism prevents seeing the situation in full view and acting upon such. Imagining new worlds cannot blind us to the harshness of the existing world, or to overlook the inevitable growing pains as words from the heart and social creativity expand to meet the challenges of today and tomorrow.

Enero Autónomo: www.eneroautonomo.org.ar

Miami: A Personal Account

Being at the FTAA protest in Miami in November was both amazing and brutal. Besides proving to me that the anti-authoritarian movements in the US must continue networking to increase the efficacy of public confrontation, I saw incredible community built by locals and transplanted activists. It was a great lesson that being radical, and being effective, isn’t about attacking the fence.

I was one of the protesters who showed up at the FTAA convergence space on Wednesday at noon, with a little bit of jet lag. So I’ll first give a huge thank you to the people who got there days or weeks early and made food, sleep, outreach and media arrangements and to those who stayed late to do legal support.

Before I arrived, lots of people had said that “Miami” didn’t want us there, that there were no radical people, that there was no support. Rumors even circulated that some people were paid to protest. While it’s true that the resistant infrastructure could use some love, the people we met were generous, supportive, and scared of what FTAA might do to their families in the States or in Latin America. Knowing that police brutality is a regular occurrence for many residents, I don’t blame them for not showing up with rocks or molotovs.

There are three reasons why I go to large protests: to participate in public resistance, to join a temporary autonomous zone, and to smash the state. Usually, I feel success on the first two, and Miami was only different in the degree of brutality inflicted on protesters. If anyone needs proof that the police state is thriving in the US, Miami demonstrated it. Police Chief Timoney, who orchestrated the paramilitary repression of protest, is one psychotic MF.

The Food Not Bombs operation at the space was one of the finest I’ve seen. With at least 4 food pickups a day, and so much food left over that we gave some back, the generosity of local grocers and distributors was incredible. Meals were served downtown and at the convergence space, with approximately 2000 people fed per sitting.

The community garden, which I never actually saw!, left a living reminder for Miami of what the protest was about. Clean air, green space and drinkable water are essentials–and FTAA will make them all scarcer. It will leave a more permanent mark than anything else we did there, in noticeable contrast to the low-wage, dead-end jobs that FTAA will usher in.

As far as confrontations, transportation (spotty) and the weather (sticky) definitely gave a home-team advantage to the police, and Miami is a town without alleys or public parks. Even the churches downtown were locked.

Tactically, Miami was a beating in the streets. From Sunday to Sunday, police rounded up protesters, arrested pedestrians, conducted illegal searches and gassed or beat crowds. By my best estimate, 10% of non-union protesters were arrested and many more subject to police violence. Buses holding thousands of protesters were blocked from entering Miami Dade County. Far from being provoked, the police was pro-active in its oppression and violence.

While I was downtown on Thursday night with friends feeding homeless people, we were stopped and illegally searched by a troop of bicycle cops who claimed that “God was in charge” and threatened us with “fifty thousand volts of electricity” from a tazer for waiting on a corner to cross the street. One cop asked why “a girl like you would shave her head” and I told him I had cancer. Which is totally possible–I haven’t seen a doctor since I lost my health insurance. He took it like a kick in the balls and I had the “privilege” of a less-than-thorough (illegal) pat down. It felt good to get one direct hit. When I found out later that queer people had been assaulted and tortured in prison, a knot tied up my intestines. I feel for those folks. It could have been me.

After more than 150 arrests on Wednesday and Thursday, for “offenses” as egregious as breathing, there was a fabulous jail solidarity march and rally in front of the prison. With drums and signs and our lungs, we let those on the inside know that we were grateful and working toward bail. Although no one outside knew at the time, some friends in prison told me that our presence helped them do solidarity and make demands for lawyers and food and release. And then, there were riot cops. Timoney (or someone) had arranged for the protest to be surrounded on three sides by riot cops armed with everything but AK-47s. Police negotiators told the press, before they told protesters, that we had three minutes to disperse or be gathered illegally. While the street spokes council kept talking, affinity groups took to the sidewalk. If I hadn’t walked home through the projects (where police know better than to go), I probably would have been rounded up like dozens of other people who left peacefully.

If anarchism or radicalism or anti-capitalist resistance is ever going to dismantle capitalism and its tools, we need to learn from international movements and drop our fears. As long as we depend on the state and capitalism, for education, food, transportation or housing, they will continue to oppress us. Two delegations that were noticeably absent from the action were indigenous people and small farmers–both under assault in this country since Roanoke and the Great Depression, respectively. The people I met in the Miami projects loved what we were doing,

but didn’t join us. People with skin and social privilege must find a way to minimize risk for those people (people of color, immigrants, queers) who are most targeted for police brutality so that they can participate in resistance without additional oppression.

About three blocks from the convergence center on Friday afternoon, two Latino men in a pickup truck stopped to talk to me and a friend, both dressed in black with bandannas. “Watch out for drug dealers in this neighborhood,” one told me.

“I’d rather meet any dealer than any cop in this town today,” I replied.

“Well, I’m glad you all came down here. I didn’t think any white people gave a shit about me. But my family in El Salvador needs clean water and it doesn’t look good,” he said. “We’ll have to keep working on this.”

Yes…we will.

Slinghsot Time Machine: 2008

Operation Canadian Freedom

Washington DC — October 1, 2008 — With just weeks remaining before President Bush’s historic run for a third term, the Bush Administration announced that the first ground troops had crossed the Canadian border, beginning Operation Canadian Freedom.

“Coalition forces from 64 nations have begun the battle to liberate the Canadian people, who have suffered under years of tyrannical free health care and legalized gay marriage,” commented Bush in a nationally televised address from the Oval Office. “We know that some of the terrorists who attacked us on September 11 came to the US from Canada. Canada is a clear and present danger to the freedoms that we Americans hold so dear,” said Bush.

Reporters embedded with the Third Infantry Division reported only slight resistance, with three soldiers injured when their Humvee struck a moose.

Bush went to war after Canada refused to turn-over its weapons of mass destruction, although Canada denied having any such weapons and repeated inspections by United Nations weapons inspectors had found no weapons. “We know that Canada must have weapons of mass destruction, because they have repeatedly denied having weapons of mass destruction — what are they trying to hide?” Bush told the nation.

Flag waving TV reporters were present at Niagara Falls as tens of thousands of American troops, and hundreds of thousands of private contractors from the nation’s top multi-national corporations, crossed the border. The Army’s newest weapon, the $46 million mobile McDonalds attack restaurant, saw its first combat with an early morning Big Mac attack. The invasion force also included troops from the 63 other coalition countries — 6 foreign troops in all.

After the president’s address, the President’s spokesperson dismissed protests from members of the international community. “We have the mutherfucking nuclear weapons — so shut the fuck up! You’re next!” He also denied that the invasion had anything to do with the upcoming presidential election. The election will be the first time a president has sought a third term since the 22nd Amendment was repealed in 2005.

As soon as the invasion was announced, the Department of Homeland Security announced that it was increasing the nations’ threat level to Red — banning all public assemblies of 5 or more people for fear that terrorists could attack public gatherings. Citizens were advised to stay indoors and monitor television programming for further instructions. All sports events will proceed as scheduled.

Slingshot Expansion

As the Slingshot collective celebrates 16 years since publication of the first Slingshot zine, we’ve been discussing where the project should go now. We would like to expand our focus from just publishing this zine and the Organizer to include new publishing projects — posters, pamphlets, stickers and maybe even books. We also hope to improve our website so it can offer updates, articles, columns and additional information that won’t fit into the paper.

As part of this effort, starting with this issue, we’re going to try publishing more frequently — every 2 months instead of quarterly. To make this experiment a success, we need to locate a lot more writers — folks who can either write something regularly or just contribute something now and then. We’re excited about finding writers from all over the country and the world so we can enlarge our focus and cover stuff going on all over. If you know of anyone who might be interested, point them our way! A list of publication dates and deadlines is below.

We would also like to find folks in the Bay Area who can spare one day per issue to help with our increasingly massive mailing (over 6,000 copies.). Of course we’re always looking for folks to join the collective and participate in everything our project does on a day-to-day basis — editing, layout, design, art. Come to a new volunteer meeting to plug in.

ISSUE #81

New volunteer meeting: February 22

Deadline: March 27

Back from printer: April 8

ISSUE #82

New volunteer meeting: May 2

Deadline: May 29

Back from printer: June 10

Also, Remember to put note about matching grant program into the Slingshot box:

Thanks to everyone who ordered a Slingshot Organizer, which helps pay for this paper and everything else we do. We’re using some of the proceeds to help support Prisoner Literature and Books to Prisoners projects around the country by offering matching grants. If you work on such a project, contact us for details. Also, if you work with any activist group in the Bay Area that is looking for a way to raise funds, we will match dollar for dollar up to $50 money you raise at a cafe night dinner at our headquarters at Long Haul. Contact us for details.

Slingshot Box

Slingshot is a quarterly, independent, radical newspaper published in the East Bay since 1988.

We can sometimes sense whether the activist scene is expanding or contracting by how many articles get turned in each issue. This issue we were flooded with articles, and after cutting a bunch, we just barely squeezed them into these 20 pages. So maybe 2004 will be a good year for the resistance — it’s about time!

Spring in Berkeley makes us think of new projects and new possibilities. We don’t have to put up with the way things are — a world based on violence, consumerism, fear and power — we can build a new world based on cooperation, simplicity, sustainability and love.

We are constantly reminded of how fragile our lives, our health and our minds are. We all need to take time to care for ourselves even while we redouble our struggle against the system. And we need to live in the present. Living our lives must combine resistance, expression and joy each day.

As the issue comes out, tens of thousands of Southern California grocery workers are still on strike. We express solidarity with them in their struggle to maintain decent benefits and pay.

Thanks to everyone who ordered a 2004 Slingshot Organizer, which helps pay for this paper and everything else we do. We got so many decorated letters and insane gifts with the orders: earrings, shirts, buttons, stickers, even a feather decorated mock missile. All the creativity really made the huge volunteer effort of shipping 15,000 books fun. We’re using some of the proceeds to help support Prisoner Literature and Books to Prisoners projects around the country by offering matching grants. If you work on such a project, contact us for details. Also, if you work with any activist group in the Bay Area that is looking for a way to raise funds, we will match dollar for dollar up to $50 money you raise at a cafe night dinner at our headquarters at Long Haul. Contact us for details.

Slingshot is always on the lookout for writers, artists, editors, photographers, distributors and independent thinkers to help us make this paper. If you send something written, please be open to editorial discussion.

Editorial decisions are made by the Slingshot collective, but not all the articles reflect the opinions of the collective members. We welcome debate, constructive criticism and discussion.

EU starts Intimidation Campaign against Anarchists

Anarchists in Italy and throughout the European Union are currently facing severe repression in the wake of a series of bomb attacks against various European bankers, police, politicians and EU officials.

On January 5th, the Italian Interior Minister announced the creation of an EU-wide task force designed to combat and crush “anarchist insurrection”. Greece, France and Spain are also expected to take part by persecuting anarchists in their respective countries in coordination with Italy. Meanwhile the European Parliament is undergoing a “security review” .

On the morning of December 21, two bombs exploded in front of the home of European Commission President and former Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi. In a letter sent to the daily “La Repubblica”, a group calling itself the Informal Anarchist Federation claimed responsibility.

A week later a small firebomb was placed in a hollowed out copy of “The Passion” by D’Annuzzio (an early Italian fascist), and mailed to Prodi. Although it exploded in his hands he was unharmed. Earlier in the year a similiar book bomb was mailed to the Carabinieri (the Italian paramilitary force who murdered Carlo Giuliani during the G8 protest in Genoa in 2000) HQ, the bomb burned off two fingers of the policeman who opened it.

During his tenure as President of the European Commission, Prodi oversaw the development of an EU wide military known as the European Rapid Reaction Force.

Bombs were also mailed to Jean Claude Trichet, president of the Central European Bank; Jeurgen Storbeck, director of Europol, an intelligence agency; the Eurojust office, an EU police force which helps to coordinate investigations between EU nations; and other targets.

In its letter, the FAI (not to be confused with either the Italian Anarchist Federation, a syndicalist group which has the denounced the bombings; or the Iberian Anarchist Federation of Spanish Civil War fame) boasted “That today we have hit at the apparatus of control that is repressive and leading the show that is the new European Order.” The Italian government is dubiously claiming that the FAI is an umbrella federation of various anarchist groups and that they have a list of 200 anarchists and anti-authoritarians who they claim have connections to the group. Although the thought that there might exist some gargantuan-sized, formal organization of anti-authoritarians should strike any commen-sensical anarchist as absurd, the implications are clear: the Italian state is prepared to prolonge and extend its repression of anarchists that has been going on continulously at least through the last decade and off and on since Mussolinni.

In 1997 the Italian state arrested insurrectionary anarchist writer Alfredo Bonnano during an intimidation campaign against anarchists and held him in jail for over a year (along with 57 others), charging him with being “the Anarchist Godfather” and with being the founder of a terrorist organization called the “Revolutionary Organization of Anarchist Insurrectionals”. It was later revealed that the name of the nonexistent group came from a lecture given by Bonnano at the University of Thessonikki years before. Bonnano is best known for writing “The Anarchist Tension”, “Armed Joy” and other pamphlets in the insurrectionist strain of anarchism.

Insurrectionism is an anti-moralist, self-organizational anarchy that advocates constant conflict with authority and the effectiveness of illegalism as a means of survival. Insurrectionists have been the main targets of the Italian government because of this support of “illegal” activities such as bank robbing, attentat and bombings. Although, as always, these tactics have been the center of major debate and controversy within the anarchist millieu itself.

Calls have been made for solidarity actions to take place around the globe, to demand that the Italian Government and the EU immediately halt any plans to mass-arrest or intimidate anarchist writers and activists. There has also been a request to publicize the current situation in all anti-authoritarian publications.

During the campaign to release Bonnano, numerous protests and actions were aimed at Italian Consulates in Paris, London, Athens, Buenos Aires, San Fransisco and Tokyo. While in jail, the prisoners made a statement which applies appropriately to the current accusations of the Italian government: “Judges know perfectly well that the anarchist organisation they talk about does not exist. They know the model of an armed gang- a mirror of their own model- cannot be applied to the real relationships between anarchists.”

Teaching the Conqueror’s Language in the

In “rejecting the Iraq quagmire” (PB Floyd, #79), its duplicity and failures and lies, we should also be opposing the recruitment of North American, British and Australian ‘experts’ to help implement the ongoing ‘reconstruction’ and creation of an American puppet plutocracy in West Asia. An integral component of the “colonialist shell game” Floyd calls attention to is the occupiers’ need to impose English as a working language for the occupation and future satellite. This article looks a bit at imperial English in connection with this latest conflict in America’s drive to implant its culture & power & megalanguage across the globe.

The anti-occupation movement should be pressing on campuses and in professional organizations for those with ‘needed skills’ to refuse to cooperate with this monstrosity. And that means teachers of English as well as ‘professionals’ in a hundred other disciplines. And ordinary American taxpayers from all walks who foot the staggering bills for this ‘transfer of expertise.’ Who watch their kids get sent as soldiers to protect it.

An Influx of “Know-How”

The Pentagon already needs entire battalions of interpreters — or brigades of imported teachers of English as a foreign language (EFL) to administer the “rebuilt” Iraq now on the drawing boards. The lucrative “market” for EFL being opened up by our generals will be a windfall for teachers from Sydney to Seattle. Experts from numerous other fields are also being recruited to “reshape” Iraqi education, from kindergartens to universities. And platoons of Western researchers, including grad students, will soon descend on a ‘pacified’ Iraq as transnational foundations seek to fund new projects. North American, British and Australian universities will attempt to set agendas for “collaboration” and research in Iraqi academe. In this complex picture, I want to concentrate on the predictable massive infusion of what Chinua Achebe called “the world language which history has forced down our throats.”

EFL on the March

American hegemony — its geopolitics driven by the key assumption that it has defined the way of life that must be adopted by all — must rely on the learning of its language in order to maintain and cement its control. In Iraq and Afghanistan, as elsewhere (Pennycook 1994;1999). While EFL suffuses at a dizzying pace along the Gulf, generating a veritable boom in lucrative positions for “native-speaker” EFL teachers and applied linguists, Iraq has for two decades remained an impenetrable fortress. Now those walls have been razed, quite literally, and the scramble for jobs to teach EFL and other academic specialties in Iraq is in the offing.

EFL administrators and “teacher trainers” in the British Council and U.S. Dept. of State are beginning to lay the groundwork for what they may call “Operation Iraqi English Literacy”. That is only in “pragmatic” hands-on character for the BC and the Education Office within the Department of State — they are after all a proven arm of the British and American governments in the implementation of cultural policy centered on spreading the blessings of the hegemonic language. The English Language Fellow Program funded by the Dept. of State will probably soon announce big-bucks “openings” in Iraqi academe. The commercial “EFL industry” from Melbourne to Maine is now gearing to set up a whole chain of private schools and language centers in the ruins to aid the Anglo-American firms already cashing in on their bonanza. Peace Corps planners doubtless hope to realize an old dream: penetrating the high schools and villages in a major country in the Arab East, gaining a foothold in a region where the PC is still largely outside. American universities are also scouting the Iraqi terrain for appropriate sites to set up “branch campuses” (like City U/Seattle across Eastern Europe) to promote democracy, teach business management and of course EFL, molding the new pro-American Iraqi “elite” in the image of Wolfowitz, Halliburton & Co. Helping to consolidate an Iraqi economy and polity coupled like a caboose to the US engine. And masterminded by educators, planners, economists, engineers, consultants and other ‘professionals’ from the states.

Hegemony’s Machine

As Hodge (2002) has put it: “The “new world order” is a Disequilibrium Machine, a manic device which produces exponentially increasing inequality (of power, wealth, health, conditions of life) on a planetary scale, affecting all nations and peoples, transforming political and cultural relations between people, changing the relations between humans and all other species, between humans and the life processes of the planet itself. It is a single process at every fractal scale.”

This is the device — its imaginary and brutal reality — we are now up against and must struggle to counter. As our “gunfighter nation” regenerates itself through violence and unilateral conquest on ever new ‘frontiers’ (Slotkin 1993), the English language teaching profession in particular needs to interrogate its vested interest and central role in the maintenance and reproduction of the language of Empire and its pax Americana (Phillipson 1992; Pennycook 1998).

Academic Moratorium?

Students, educators and others who are outraged by this war and the values it represents must question any ‘complicity’ by their professional organizations and universities in the “transfer” of knowledge and skills under the occupation. Under conditions of “neocolonial” reconstruction and semi-military administration, the first imperative is an academic and professional boycott or moratorium on expatriate personnel recruitment for projects and employment in Iraq, and on participation in externally generated and uninvited “research.”

The complicity of the ‘knowledge industry’ in the planning and oiling of the Occupation and Iraq’s ‘satellization’ and subjugation has to be focused on, as it was during the resistance campaign against the war and American presence in Vietnam — and the ‘secret war’ (1964-1973) against the people of Laos, where I work. And where the effects and residua of that American bombardment, the heaviest against any rural population in human history, are still felt, still visible, still dangerous.

Suffocating the Space of Capitalism

What the vast majority of ordinary Iraqis need at this disjuncture is autonomy. And like the Palestinians, oxygen to survive. Help in what Zapatistas call “suffocating the space of capitalism” (Esteva 2001). In any new beginnings in education, the bottom line should be self-reliance, dignity and sustainability: Iraqi educators will have to lead the way, with their priorities, at their pace. Wary of “imposed imports” and “research projects” from the Anglo-American West. In this process, Iraqi language educators will need time to come to critical grips with the cultural politics of English as an international language, its inherent aporia: the problematic linkages between the diffusion of English and social inequality, English as a narrow-door gatekeeper to privilege and power (Dua 1994; Pennycook 2001). And English as a Trojan horse that helps to deepen and perpetuate their dependence on our imperial periphery.

Grassroots Pedagogies of Resistance

One progressive alternative for us is to join in hands-on solidarity with people’s grassroots movements in Iraq as they crystallize. In ‘reclaiming the commons,’ the principal right for all Iraqis, the kind of education that should be created need not be in the mold of what Western ‘developers’ deem necessary — as a tool for their own neo-colonial penetration of the society and economy. What is needed is to generate opportunities for practical learning beyond the classroom in changing Iraq from the bottom up. Zapatistas are doing this across Chiapas and Oaxaca. Even in arrangements for learning, its content and social ‘certification.’

Such autonomous, holistic community-rooted education is at the heart of Madhu Suri Prakash & Gustavo Esteva’s exciting book, Escaping Education: Living as Learning Within Grassroots Cultures (NY: Peter Lang 1998). It’s one all anarchists should read. A brief excerpt is available at http://www.multiworld.org/m_versity/althinkers/gustavo.htm . We have to be thinking about alternative landscapes of learning for those who constitute the majority of the people on this planet, what Prakash & Esteva call the Two-Thirds World. We need to be talking about anti-authoritarian approaches to the regeneration of soil cultures, and building resistance to indigenous cultural meltdown in the global classroom. To help people take creative steps in “escaping the certainties of development, progress and education; recovering their own truths” (ibid.: 73).

Especially those of us who teach on those dominated ‘peripheries,’ to which Iraq has now been added. Learning from what Prakash & Esteva term the ‘refusenik cultures’ and ‘grassroots postmodernism,’ the ‘diversity of liberation in the lived pluriverse’ (ibid.; 35-85): “Postmodernism at the grassroots describes an ethos of women and men who are liberating themselves from the oppression of modern economic society. The reign of homo educandus and homo oeconomicus go hand in hand. Liberation from one cannot occur without liberation from the other” (81).

Pedagogies of Rerooting

One prime component in this pedagogy of localization (ibid.: 129-131) is the people’s right to their own language, learning to “fashion a voice for themselves from amidst the deafening channels of domination” (Canagarajah 1999: 197). To be multilingual, OK, sure. That’s cultural hybridity. A fact of our era and its geopolitics. But to ‘conscientize’ learners to withstand and oppose the agendas of Empire and McWorld (Freire 1993), learning to ‘read the wor(l)d’ critically. And to interrogate the headlong dominion of English. As Canagarajah (1999: 2) reminds us, the resistance perspective opens doors to the possibility that “the powerless in post-colonial communities may find ways to Ö reconstruct their languages, cultures, and identities to their advantage. The intention is not to reject English, but to reconstitute it in more inclusive, ethical and democratic terms.” Anti-authoritarians should help define what that reconstitution can mean.

References

Canagarajah, A. S. (1999). Resisting Linguistic Imperialism in English Teaching. Oxford: OUP

Dua, H. (1994). Hegemony of English. Mysore: Yashoda Publications

Esteva, G. (2001, May). “Interview with Gustavo Esteva, by Sophie Style.” ZMag, http://www.zmag.org/ZMag/articles/may01style.htm

Freire, P. (1993). Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum. The translator M. B. Ramos notes there that ‘conscientizaÁ„o’ refers to “learning to perceive social, political and economic contradictions and to take action against the oppressive elements of reality” (17)

Hodge, R. (2002). “Monstrous Knowledge in a World Without Borders.” borderlands e-journal, 1 (1), 14, http://www.borderlandsejournal.adelaide.edu.au/vol1no1_2002/hodge_monstrous.html

Pennycook, A. (1994). The Cultural Politics of English as an International Language. New York: Longman; _______. (1999). “Development, Culture and Language: Ethical Concerns in a Postcolonial World,” http://www.clet.ait.ac.th/hanoi_proceedings/pennycook.htm

_______. (1998). English and the Discourses of Colonialism. London: Routledge

_______. (2001). Critical Applied Linguistics: A Critical Introduction. Mahwah, N.J. Erlbaum, esp. pp. 46-73

Phillipson, R. (1992). Linguistic Imperialism. Oxford: OUP

Slotkin, R. (1993). Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth-Century America. New York: HarperPerennial, esp. pp. 10-21, 654-660

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An earlier version of this appeared in ZMag, June 2003. The author is based in Vientiane, Lao People’s Democratic Republic. Email:

Reject the Iraq Quagmire

Their Iraq war exposed, Bush and Co. are on the defensive: it’s time to hit them when they’re down

After two wars, a massive domestic crackdown, and so many other outrages over the past few years, a fresh political wind is finally blowing. Finally, as lie after lie is exposed, a segment of the public is waking up and pushing back a bit. Bush’s poll numbers are down, with almost half of Americans disapproving of his job performance in a recent CBS poll. According to the military newspaper Stars and Stripes, a third of soldiers serving in Iraq believe the war lacks definition and is of “little or no value.” Everyone is realizing that far from Saddam being an imminent threat to the “American homeland,” he didn’t have any weapons of mass destruction at all — it was all just a manipulative hoax. On point after point, those opposed to the reckless, militaristic, unilateral American course are being proven right.

As cracks in the facade develop, its up to radicals to widen the cracks, turn them into gaps and holes, and do our best to push the rotting structure over. With the rulers finally on the defensive a little bit, now isn’t the time to take a break, sit back and be thankful that we’re not protesting a third war against Iran or Syria.

Right now we have a unique opportunity not only to make sure those future military adventures never become reality, but to undermine consensus on the rest of the corporate capitalist program. In other words, by emphasizing and exploiting the darkening popular sentiment regarding Iraq, we may be able to expose other apparently unrelated lies about the environment, civil liberties, the war on terrorism, and the continuing economic war against the poor, workers and the middle class being waged by the ultra-elite.

If anything, now is the time to turn up the heat and the pressure, to hit the streets even more often and in even larger numbers. If millions of people can come out when it’s almost certain that the protest will fail and that Bush will order war anyway, now that the rulers are on the run, it should be easy to take the offensive and promote something positive for the future to replace the right wing agenda of war, greed and exploitation.

The war on Iraq was a turning point in our rulers’ fortunes. The war was a classic case of overreaching — the rulers mistakenly thought that they were so powerful that they could do anything they wanted. Right before the war, Bush and his advisors announced a new American “doctrine” of pre-emption — that the United States would reserve the unilateral right to invade any country that could even potentially pose a military threat, even in the absence of any hostile actions from the country to be invaded. This announcement was widely seen as a declaration of American empire, since it directly challenged established notions of international law, in which only those attacked may attack, and aggressor nations are isolated. The new doctrine of preemption mirrored right-wing ideological fantasies of exclusive American power described by think-tanks like the Project for the New American Century, which was set up in 1997 by many of those who would become the Bush Administration.

Bush’s pronouncements, in the context of massive US military superiority, were pretty scary stuff. But now, the chickens have come home to roost. Bush tried and failed to get international support for the invasion, and then decided to do it alone in the face of the largest peace movement in world history. But although the US military is large and the United States is a rich country, it can’t do anything its rulers may want and the aftermath of the war has proved this once and for all.

In the wake of the war, it has become clear that the go-it-alone invasion has led to a disaster. Not surprisingly, the Iraqi people did not welcome the invaders with flowers, but correctly perceived them as an occupying army. While pretty much everyone has happy to be rid of a brutal dictator, Iraqis quickly began to resent the inept American military and its lack of any realistic plan for a post-war Iraq. The war created an instant power vacuum that is now at risk of being filled by religious fundamentalists, bullies, and a new American-installed police force made up mostly of Saddam’s discredited police. The brutality of the occupation is undermining moderate Iraqis who are struggling to build a just society out of Saddam’s ashes.

Most people in Iraq are worse off than before the war, particularly Iraqi women who have been forced off the streets by religious zealots and the fear of rape and murder – not a priority for US occupation forces already stretched to the limit protecting their own skin.

No weapons of mass destruction were found, but millions of pounds of conventional weapons now lie all around Iraq, unguarded and at risk of falling into the hands of kooks and freedom fighters alike around the world. American soldiers are getting killed almost every day, not just by alleged “terrorists” and “Baath party loyalists” but by regular Iraqis who are outraged at the continued brutal occupation, which doesn’t seem to be accomplishing anything constructive.

The families of Iraqis mistakenly killed at US check-points by scared, non-Arabic speaking GIs aren’t just mourning — they’re nurturing a seething resentment. Some are starting to look for revenge.

Meanwhile, in the US, people are not too happy at the idea of pouring tens of billions of dollars into the occupation when so many domestic social programs are being slashed. The international community — who were ignored before the war — are justifiably unwilling to help with the occupation by sending either troops or money. Bush is left holding the bag.

This web of betrayal, lies, failure and disaster is the best possible news for opponents of an American global empire. We need to figure out numerous ways of emphasizing all of these failures and discrediting Bush and his policies as much as possible, while pushing policies to help the Iraqi people.

And we need to be clear that it is time for us to set the agenda and drive the political train now that the rulers are on the defensive. Radicals have grown accustomed to protesting and reacting and don’t know what to do when our rulers are weakened. It will be a tremendous missed opportunity if we fail to figure out what to do once momentum is on our side.

When the monster is down, its time to increase the ferocity of our attack and push our agenda. Following are some ideas to focus on:

Women have paid the highest price for Bush’s adventure in Iraq. Six months after Bush declared victory, few women are even able to leave their homes, much less participate in a free and liberated Iraq. Iraq was generally a secular nation before the war, with women permitted participation in the workforce and civil society. Before Saddam, Iraqi law protected employment, education and inheritance rights for women, and included a progressive marital act, according to the Iraqi Women’s League.

Since the war, religious fundamentalism has increased, with some sects maintaining that women should stay in the home, others requiring women to wear the hijab (veil) and others refusing to protect women who venture outside, according to the Iraqi Women’s Rights Coalition.

Safety from street crime has been an even more severe problem. Since the war, thousands of women have been raped and hundreds killed by gangs and individual criminals, according to the Common Dreams News Center. In September alone, the Baghdad Forensic Institute investigated 50 suspicious deaths of women who were victims of rape and murder or honor killings, according to the UK Guardian. There are reports that some women who have been raped are then killed by their families to avoid shame to the family, according to Nidal Husseini a nurse at the Institute.

All of this has forced women out of universities and jobs and off the streets. Numerous media reports mention how women have simply disappeared from Iraq’s streets. When the schools reopened October 4, few girls showed up. ”So far we have not seen any benefits from this war that the Americans said would liberate us,” Kowthar Ahmed, a Baghdad University student, told the Common Dreams News Center. ”If anything, things have become worse for us.” Iraqi women have consistently accused the US army of disrespecting women at check-points and during military raids on private houses and neighborhoods.

We must hold the US occupiers accountable for the ongoing disaster for Iraqi women.

We need to fight privatization of the Iraqi economy. The occupation is being used as a cover for expanding US corporate globalization policies that will transform Iraqi workers into cogs in a global industrial system, degrade Iraq’s environment and strip Iraq of its natural resources, with no return to Iraq’s people.

At the moment, the US is laying the foundation to sell off most Iraqi industry. If the history of privatization in other regions is any guide, this will mean ownership by multi-national corporations and degradation of the Iraqi economy. Privatization is a key tool in the West’s modern form of colonialism, in which people in developing nations have to toil in international factories and offer up raw materials for foreign consumption, and get nothing in return.

Radicals need to keep the human and economic cost of the war in the public eye. American soldiers are getting killed every day — let’s post the list in public places and keep track of the numbers. While we don’t know the names of Iraqis who are getting killed, we need to find ways of publicizing their deaths as well.

We should emphasize the class war aspects of the unfair burden on military families and reservists, who have been pulled out of their civilian lives and cast into constant danger for nothing. The only beneficiaries of the occupation are a few huge corporations.

We need to hold Bush and company totally responsible for alienating the entire international community, ensuring that no other nation will offer significant post-war assistance. Bush now expects American tax payers to shoulder the burden of the occupation and reconstruction almost alone, proposing spending $87 billion, or about $300 for every person in the US. This cost is his fault — let him and his rich friends pay it. We should emphasize that he intends to borrow the money against our future income, when he just cut taxes to the richest Americans. Most of the money is going to rip-off deals with major multi-national corporations.

We should expose the question of whether the UN or the US should occupy Iraq as a false colonialist shell game. Why should anyone other than the Iraqi people control their destiny?

Most of all, we must emphasize Bush’s broken promises and lies — he told the troops they would be home in a matter of months. Now, there is no end in site. He built a house of cards on weapons of mass destruction, and now he can’t find any, despite spending hundreds of millions of dollars looking. He said the invasion would bring freedom, but instead it has brought chaos, violence and domination.

As we attack the failures and lies surrounding Iraq, we can begin attacking the failures and lies that surround all of the rulers’ policies.

For more information and updates, check out www.occupationwatch

Femicide and Globalization in Juarez

Many people look at the murders in Ciudad Juárez and Chihuahua and they see a mystery. 370 femicides (murders of women) in ten years and up to 400 more disappeared; a rate that has increased from three a year to an average of three a month since 1994. Many of the bodies are found in the desert as unrecognizable corpses: bloated, burned, disfigured and all but decomposed. An undisclosed but probable majority have been raped and brutally tortured for days; often dragged, beaten, strangled and then hastily concealed in the desert sand. They are young women and girls, most between the ages of 14 and 25. High-school students last seen on their way home after school. Sweat-shop workers who have to walk miles alone through the desert at night after a 12 or 15 hour work-day. People ask: Who could be committing these horrendous crimes? How is it still possible after ten long years?

I think that calling the bordertown murders a “mystery” takes the potential power out of looking at the hideous truth. It assumes a riddle with a simple answer, something ugly but outside of our reality and our lives. The question of who committed the crimes is of course central if there is ever to be justice or safely for any woman living or dying in this bordertown region. It should be the driving force for anyone who believes in human rights, locally and internationally, especially those directly involved in investigating these crimes and attempting to protect more women from the same fate.

The question of who is central, yet considering the cover-ups, the scant and unreliable evidence, the question can easily be reduced to guess-work and speculation, which in turn often has the danger of being self-serving or a placating device. We want something to make us feel better, someone locked up, so that the illusion of safety and resolution will allow us to avert our attention from the horror and pain.

This is what many believe has happened in the case of the only convicted criminal for any of these crimes since they began in 1994, that of the Egyptian “outsider” Abdel Latif Sharif, who police tried to frame for a whole series of murders, many of which were actually committed while he was in custody (“executed from the inside”). Many believe Sharif has been used as an obvious scapegoat, a non-native with “evil eyes” meant to defer the problem and keep people from looking closer to home. Other suspects linked to the crimes by more compelling evidence have had to be released due to falsified evidence and/or signs of torture (cuts, bruises and burns) that may have lead to a forced confession.

Femicide is happening all over the planet and women are the casualties of every war against the body, spirit and mind. Yet on the U.S./Mexico bordertowns of Juárez and Chinuahua the epidemic has become extreme, condensed and in that sense site-specific. Though the situation is centered around the sweat-shop culture in this particular part of the world, it is in reality indicative and exemplary of global capitalism, of the consequences of free-trade and the extent to which the profit-driven world that we live in will go in its unaccountability and disregard for life. For these reasons, the question that involves and in some way implicates every human being is not only who are the perpetrators of these brutal crimes but, what made them, to what purpose and why ?

Almost exactly ten years ago NAFTA (the North American Free Trade Agreement) turned Juárez into a “free zone” for corporations (80% U.S. owned) looking for cheap labor and next to no environmental restrictions. Some of the over 300 maquilas (sweatshops) in Juárez, which together gross an average of $16 billion a year, are General Motors, General Electric, Ford, Dupont, Philips and Alcoa. As soon as the sweatshops began popping up, thousands of people began migrating from all over Mexico. Young women looking for jobs are preferred for factory work because they are “nimble,” along with being typically inexperienced with labor organizing and willing to work for less pay. As a result, 60% of the people employed in maquilas on the border are women making 4 to 5 dollars a day. Rapid and uncontrollable globalization has turned Juárez, and the entire U.S./Mexican border, into a kind of “free zone” for all sorts of crime, such as the drug and sex trades, along with total corporate exploitation. It is a model for the socio-economic structure that Eduardo Galleano writes, “scorns life and idolizes things.”

What is normal, what is acceptable? If you are a man or a woman living in a system that values your life and your labor as close to nothing, one unfortunate consequence is that you might start to believe what they tell you about yourself. The same tactics of social control that are used by the “powerful” to subjugate are internalized and self-perpetuated within oppressed communities. It follows that if you come to consider your own lives to be worthless, you will extend that assessment to the people around you.

Take, for example, the public blame placed on the women for their own murders. After stating the blatant and unfounded generalization that the murdered women dressed provocatively and went out to bars at night, Arturo Gonzales Rascón, attorney general of the state of Chihuahua under the jurisdiction of which both Juárez and Chihuahua fall, argued that “After all, it’s very hard to go out on the street when it’s raining and not get wet.” This kind of statement pretty much sets up the perpetrator for a murder without guilt, not to mention social or moral consequence. It states that killing is okay, as natural and as normal as rain. Women are forced to live under the socially accepted concept of their bodies as prey, their flesh as meat and accept that, in the eyes of their perpetrators, they are dressed for the kill.

This is exactly where the situation of epidemic femicide in Juárez, and recently Chihuahua City (the murders have only been happening in Chihuahua for the last three years) hits closest to home. In the United States and perhaps the majority of communities throughout the world, typically a woman is much more likely to be raped or killed by someone she knows. Yet, in these bordertowns, a very high percentage (at least one hundred cases to date) of the rapes and murders were committed by total strangers to the victims. Misogyny and male-domination exist everywhere; violent, angry and psychotic men are the result of that mentality.

Looking at the rate of these crimes in Juárez and Chihuahua City has brought me to ask what the difference is, what stops more men from randomly killing women with more frequency here, or in other places? Esther Chávez, founder of Casa Amiga, the only rape crisis center in Juárez, has come to the conclusion that many of the rapes and murders are copy-cats — individual or groups of men who enact violent fantasies against women simply because they have discovered that they can do so with impunity.

So, when a man tells me on the street that he would like to “bash my head in” or “shove his fist up my ass” I seriously consider the possibility that the only reason that he doesn’t act on these violent, sexual, murderous fantasies is that he does not have the confidence that he will get away with it. The purpose of this comparison is not to say that women have it so much easier here, it is to say that all of these factors, the sick mental cycle of blame, projection and rationalization of violence, are the same. It’s just that in certain social and economic situations of dire poverty, heightened gender tension (women in Juárez are resented by men because they have jobs that the men can’t get) and rampantly corrupt police and judicial systems, these crimes and this general reaction to women becomes permissible, legitimate and unpunished and thereby encouraged by the general social climate.

Social acceptance of rape and murder, the belief
that on some level women elicit and deserve it, socially programs men to be murderers and rapists. Institutionalized acceptance encourages imitation and copy-cat crimes. In Ciudad Juárez, a mother was called in to identify the skeletal frame of a young woman dressed in the clothes that her daughter was wearing when she was last seen, which (due to physical characteristics such as a disproportionately small head with no dental work) could not possibly be her daughter’s body. Why would investigators dress one woman’s body in another woman’s clothes? If it was not the police that did this, who was it?

Typically, the police refuse to file complaints for days after someone is abducted (saying “she’s probably with her boyfriend”), therefore the kidnapping cannot be treated as a criminal case during that critical period. The media prints a front-page story saying that a disappeared woman has been seen with her boyfriend. The story is fabricated. The photo is not of her but the caption claims it is her. Evidence that local police have been involved, not only in covering-up, but in actually perpetrating these crimes, go ignored. One report says that police officials burned a thousand pounds of clothing and evidence collected over the years, which, if it is true, could only mean that there is a large, ongoing and insidious conspiracy in Juárez between the police, the murderers (which may, in many cases, be one and the same) and other undisclosed parties about which we can only speculate, except to say, as many have, that they must have some sort of connections to power and resources that, in a place like Juárez as in most places in the world, only come from very high up.

Due the very nature of corruption on a structural level, it is extremely hard to expose and investigate. One thing is for sure though — the Mexican government and police force in Juárez and Chihuahua, in their actions and their lack of action, are doing nothing to protect the lives of women. Their involvement and participation is grossly apparent and their negligence can only be said to encourage a social acceptance of these crimes, along with revealing a larger disdain and hatred towards the women themselves.

If Juárez is a place where the most violent and horrible potential in the (male) psyche is allowed to manifest, then the same can and does happen anywhere. Sexual homicide is motivated by tremendous rage against women and rape is an expression of that same hatred and willful intent to subjugate, silence and subdue. In Juárez, extreme poverty and racism factor in to the vulnerability of the victims and their families, as well as misogyny, corporate impunity and governmental corruption. Many believe that the women and girls are specifically selected because they have darker complexions and are poor (which in Mexico and much of the world amounts to the same thing). The threat of murder, along with 12 hr work days, cardboard houses and a toxic environment, becomes normal and tolerable for a woman. It becomes a part of what she expects to have to suffer in order to survive.

This is how violence against women and globalization work hand-in-hand to create a culture of powerlessness and fear. The fight in Juárez and Chihuahua, and all over the world, is a fight against the power of violence, along with the force of poverty, to silence, weaken and demoralize. The fight to find a voice, to lend your voice and to listen to the voices that have been suppressed. The deadly power of a silenced voice amounts to economic power in a corporate-owned world, a world without scruples. We all have threats held over our heads which keep us complacent and scared to act, the question is how and by what means to remove them.

In the words of Rosario Acosta, one of the amazing activists and organizers in Juárez, “We human beings can survive the worst tragedies, but we need them to be recognized and validated by others. When people upon whom we depend for our own survival discredit our sufferings by treating them as something trivial, or as something that is deserved, a resulting new layer of pain is added to the pain of the loss, which generates feelings of shame, blame, humiliation and absolute impotence. Under the circumstances, the only thing that can save us is our just indignation and the solidarity of our peers.”

Listening and responding to the voices of the women of Juárez and Chihuahua, looking at how they have been forced to live and die, is a way to learn about ourselves and to examine our own experiences. It is a part of the revolution that begins within and manifests in the ways that we treat each other and how we live our lives.

Chistianity and Empire

For 1700 years, the Christian church has been building the foundations for today’s global capitalism

Any critique of capitalism is incomplete without analysis of the Christian empire, its history, and its goals. From 300 CE on, empire and religion have intermixed in Europe and eventually the US with disastrous consequences. Many aspects of capitalism used to oppress today were instituted by Christianity, including emotional advertising, creation of markets through military conquest, and control of public services. Because of these features, we can consider the Christian church (in both Catholic and Protestant manifestations) the first multinational corporation.

First, Jesus

Christianity as a hierarchical religion didn’t congeal until three hundred years after Jesus’ death. He didn’t become “Christ”, an aspect of “god”, for more than 100 years. In fact, Jesus was born without much fanfare in 3 BCE (they got the calendar wrong!) to Jewish parents in the Middle Eastern Roman province of Judea. The earliest gospels make no mention of Christmas (his birth), and later, conjured accounts put it in a different season, because of the shepherd’s work. It’s commonly believed that Jesus had at least one brother, James, and the passage about his mother’s virginity actually referred in Aramaic to “maiden” — simply, a young woman. So, if you’re itching for a holiday in December, I recommend solstice.

Although officially a tolerated minority, the Jewish people were still oppressed by the Roman conquerors. Jesus grew up in a time of power splinters, with many sects competing for control of the temple and he was probably one of many wandering preachers with a philosophy and a following.

There is little reason to doubt Jesus’ actual life as a preacher. He traveled near his home for three years with a gender-inclusive collective, lived home-free and advocated collective property, not poverty. Although a “son of god”, he claimed that all people were children of god. Some scholars suggest he had a relationship with Mary Magdeleine, or even that he was polyamorous. He accompanied the sick (whether he cured them is your guess) and staged huge community picnic/revivals in the desert. The first symbol of Christianity was bread and fish — a testament to the priority of the apostle collective.

Jesus was dangerous enough to both his community and the local authorities to raise concern. He advocated the formation of a new church, which would create more division within the Jewish community and disregarded temporal authority as irrelevant. Preaching a life of communalism, minimalism, anti-authoritarian justice, and general righteousness didn’t attract bribe taking officials then any more than it does today. However, contrary to some anti-semitic stories, Jesus was crucified by the Roman Empire, not the Jewish community. Records of his condemnation are supposedly held by the Catholic Church.

Just like his birth, Jesus’ resurrection is largely myth. The earliest gospels don’t speak of a resurrection, though it’s likely that his body was removed from the tomb for burial preparation. Many humanist christians interpret Easter, the resurrection, as the spiritual rising of Jesus and not his physical reappearance.

Orthodoxy/Europe’s cultural genocide

In the three centuries following Jesus’ death, hundred of “Jesus cults” sprung up around the eastern Mediterranean. While the first followers were all Jewish, by the third generation, non-Jews were permitted to join. Male circumcision remained an issue for some time, and modern scholars have replaced circumcision with baptism in many New Testament passages as the rite of initiation to “solve” the problem.

Some early christians formed organized churches, but Gnostic cults emphasized direct communication with god and denounced mediators like priest. Other cults focused on Mary, Jesus’ mother (this made sense as goddess worship was still common) or a host of other connected figures or “prophets.” Until the superficial conversion of the Roman emperor Constantine, christians of all groups were persecuted and martyred. They were fodder for lions and made examples for those who considered converting.

After Constantine coopted Christianity, he began a process of consolidation to strengthen the flailing empire and permanently suppress non-hierarchical churches. In 381, leaders from 300 churches around the Mediterranean met to discuss an orthodoxy, literally, right opinion, for the new structure. Sects that had not deified Jesus or held him as secondary were excluded from the discussion and did not receive protection from the empire.

The council of Nicaea, like WTO meetings, was about supremacy and not humanity. The bishops fought over whether Jesus/Christ was god or like god. Although the majority believed and the emperor supported the second position, a fiery Egyptian bishop insisted on the former and denounced the few bishops who believed that Jesus/Christ was inferior to god. This victory for trinity (one god in three persons) separated Christianity from the earlier Pagan mythologies of the empire and has aptly been termed “one god, one empire”. Welcome to monoculture.

Waking up.

While the Roman Empire was busy imploding and the Church was establishing its stranglehold with feudal lords over most of Europe, other world cultures were philosophizing, painting, maintaining libraries, and making damn good food. If Islam, and a few Celtic monasteries, had not preserved the authors of pre-Christian Europe, we would know almost nothing about tribal identities before the conquest. As it is, Germanic tribes and peasant life remain opaque.

So, when Western Civ professors talk about the Renaissance, they’re really speaking of the Christian crusaders who sacked Muslim towns and stole the books the church had burned copies of centuries before.

Among the innovations the Knights brought home were banking (they figured out how to charge interest for land without being charged with usury), zero, spices, and architectural designs. Established as an order serving the pope, the Knights’ Templar established trade routes through Europe with tolls like Jersey and forced peasants to construct churches and forts. The infrastructure they laid made large scale trade possible, and the knights are considered predecessors to the Masons. When they became powerful enough to threaten the king of France, he ordered that they be captured and killed. Sixty were charged with blasphemy and homosexuality, and on Friday, October 13, 1307, they were burned. However, their treasure escaped with some who fled. What a bad day for capitalists.

Many groups not supported by the orthodoxy continued to practice during the Middle Ages, despite persecution and fear. Women’s orders, anti-authoritarian lay preachers, and Christian humanists all had a place in the underbelly of European domination. Peasant cultures, distinct from but coexisting with empire, continued to offer alternative stories about creation, the universe and morality. Until the Counter-Reform, peasants were made to adhere only in ritual — mass and some dietary restrictions. They maintained “tribal memory” of existence before the imposition of Christ that the Inquisition tried to erase. John Trudell has written great stuff about this stuff. I suggest it.

Reformation/Inquisitions

The official Protestant Reformation began with Martin Luther nailing his ideas to a church door in 1517. The printing press (1455) had made pamphlets and books easier to reproduce, and Europe was brimming with people who realized that their discontent was not isolated. However, the outcome was about as disappointing as a democrat in the White House. The Protestant Churches (Calvin, Luther, and the English) were all established with the help of local governments and had an even more damning orthodoxy. We’ll get there soon.

While Protestant groups persecuted
radical sects, the Catholic Church held its inquisitions. These trials, ostensibly held to uproot those who threatened hegemony but often preying on wingnuts and freethinkers, exposed and attacked towns and people who held anti-authoritarian or humanist ideas. Herbalists, charged as witches, were exterminated as the Church endorsed early doctors after the end of indulgences. The Inquisitions instilled fear in the population that was not present before, and the choice between death and devotion created loyalty based on terror.

Colonialism and manifest destiny

While the Inquisition was perpetrating cultural genocide in Europe, both Catholic and Protestant colonists were acting out biological genocide in the Americas. The Spanish and Portuguese explorers in Central and South America slaughtered hundreds of thousands (if not more) indigenous people, but had one key difference in philosophy. They believed that native people had souls and could be converted and saved. This, of course, didn’t stop them from wiping out whole civilizations, but eventually aspects of native culture were tolerated, some communal land rights granted, and native movements have potential to reclaim their way of life. However, if FTAA and globalization perpetuate current trends, native cultures face an even larger risk to their survival.

The Protestant colonizers had fewer qualms about complete genocide in the lands that have become the US. Armed with Calvin’s doctrine of predestination (only 144,000 souls will be saved and they are ours, damnit), germs and weapons of mass destruction, settlers killed and displaced every tribe they contacted. Hundreds of broken treaties, several wars and thousands of squatters later, the US government and people had displaced or murdered the vast majority of native Americans. By 1850, the European-American Christians had sufficiently emptied the continent to start telling stories of an empty land waiting for “civilization”. Manifest destiny was fulfilled.

Calvin’s influence on the US didn’t stop with justifications to kill native people. His ideas form the cornerstone of the prison-industrial complex, by stressing the inherent nature of people and disregarding circumstance or the possibility of alternative justice. Coupled with compulsory education to indoctrinate the masses to the glories of capitalism and conquest, Calvin’s ideas formed the base for the self-righteousness of US politics and culture.

Eco destruction and end of the world.

The branch of Christianity which poses the greatest threat to existence today grew out of Southern Protestantism and engulfs the Bible Belt still. The man who sleeps in the White House and his posse mostly subscribe to this brand of fundamentalism, and it has proven a great tool for empire.

Perhaps the scariest aspect of fundamentalist Christianity is that its theologies predict an end to the earthly world which is welcomed and encouraged. Only when God has stricken the earth can the elite fully enjoy the kingdom described in Revelations (that’s something to trip on). Because this devastation is imminent, fundamentalists have little regard for the green movement or for the alleviation of suffering. In fact, one might even help it along by littering while driving a vehicle that gets 6 miles per gallon.

The ongoing destruction of native cultures worldwide through globalization is part of that vision. Colonialism was perhaps the first great ad campaign and the cross (salvation) its commodity. Making the switch from Christianity to capitalism isn’t difficult for a colonizer — there’s still an army waiting to subdue any dissenters. Especially when the exposure of lies doesn’t perturb the imperialists, understanding their motivations is even more important. As the US government and corporations pour money into drugs, arms and slaves, we need to drop the humanitarian pleas and fight back. They never had delusions about making this life bearable, just the desire to prove that they will be saved in the next one.

The twin perpetrators of monoculture in Europe and the US have been capitalism and Christianity. Until we confront them both, imperialism will expand, controlling food and minds. We must continue living out stories of just, earthly societies and telling creation stories that place us in nature to counter the dominant Christian mythologies that support empire and conquest.