Long Haul Infoshop Celebrates 10 Years

The Long Haul Infoshop in Berkeley — also home of Slingshot’s offices — celebrates 10 years of being open at the same location this year in August. If you came to the Infoshop in 1993 or 1995 or 1997 and haven’t been back since because you think you have it pegged as representing this or that, you might want to come by again — a lot of stuff changes over 10 years.

Long Haul recently upgraded its audio/visual capability by installing a fancy sound system and a video projector. Most Friday and Saturday nights, there’s a concert, party or movie showing. If you want to book a show or screen a film, call the new booking hotline at 510 540-0751 ex. 4. We’re especially looking for independent video producers who want to screen their work. Long Haul is publishing a quarterly calendar with upcoming events. Or, you can check on the schedule of events by visiting our brand new website at www.thelonghaul.org

Another change is that after 10 years of Monday being reserved for women only, Monday is now open to all genders. Monday can still be reserved for women only events and folks scheduling all-gender events on Monday are asked to do so no more than three weeks in advance to give women only events scheduling preference. The change was made reluctantly after the staff of women’s night noticed that interest in a women’s only space had evaporated.

Drop by Long Haul Monday – Thursday from 6-9, or Sunday from 3-9. Or, if you want to get involved in running the place, the next meetings are March 2 and April 6 at 1:30 in the afternoon.

Trumbullplex 10 Year Anniversary

Trumbullplex radical center/Infoshop/etc. in Detroit, Michigan is ten years old believe it or not, and us folks living here now are going to have a party. We are hoping to gather up as many former members as we can to share a weekend together. We have already considered mud wrestling, creating a scrap book, story telling, events for the kids, music and mayhem etc. If you’re interested, have ideas or are looking for a reason to come to Detroit contact us right away so we can plan a date.

Trumbullplex

4210 Trumbull, Detroit, MI 48208

(313)832-1845 • trumbullplex@yahoo.com

Happy Birthday Slingshot!

Still Slingshotting After 15 Years

This issue marks Slingshot’s 15th birthday. Lots of radical zines start up, but not so many of them keep going for 15 years. Fifteen years is a long time — for me, its almost half of my life. So, perhaps you’ll indulge me in a few reflections about what it all means.

* * *

Slingshot published its first edition on March 9, 1988. I didn’t work on that issue, but I read it within a day or two and I met some of the people who were publishing it while riding on BART over to San Francisco for a protest. The first issue was just one sheet of 11 X 17 white copier paper, folded in half. It was raw and militant, with handwritten headlines and hilarious seditious graphics. Slingshot looked like it was put together in the backseat of a getaway car after some really cool revolutionary act. I immediately loved it and got involved a couple of weeks later.

Before Slingshot, I was a left-liberal from a smallish town who had been a peace and justice activist since I was 16. I had worked on a number of political publications before — I was also editor of my high school paper.

Slingshot marked the conclusion of my radicalization — my move away from a belief that this country’s institutions could be reformed to an understanding that they had to be overthrown and replaced with something different. When Slingshot came along, I had started seriously studying marxist economic theory, and new political worlds were opening for me everywhere. Slingshot provided a way to turn this changing consciousness into a tangible form of action. I distinctly remember as I started working on my first issue walking down the street in the dark with two of the founders talking about stuff way more radical than I had ever dared to think or discuss before.

During the first few months, Slingshot published weekly zines, all photocopied on white paper. Publishing weekly was an amazing rush that I wish I could still experience. We would get together in the afternoon, figure out who should write what, write it, and be done with layout that same night. The next morning at 7 a.m., the paper would go to the copy shop when it opened, and be printed by noon. At noon, we would sit around Sproul Plaza at the university in Berkeley and fold the 1,000 copies by hand. As soon as they were folded, people would eagerly come along to take them and read them. Usually, all 1,000 copies were gone by 5 p.m.

* * *

We were able to do it like that because there was such a wonderful and active movement on campus in those days. We published weekly because every week, there were protests, building occupations, arrests, riots, squatted houses, trials — stuff was going on. At 19 years old, there were moments when I really believed that the private property system was on the verge of crumbling — that the youthful crowds in the streets would just get larger and larger and we would build a whole new way of living.

We were able to do it because we were young and relatively privileged. I was a student — most people who worked on Slingshot weren’t students but gravitated to the action, freedom and excitement of the university scene. I worked maybe 15 hours a week in those days, and many people worked less, or didn’t work at all.

For me, a crucial aspect of the Slingshot story is how people — both personally and politically — can continue radical ideas and action beyond youth, and sustain them into adulthood Or a different and less ageist and personal way to put it is how radicals can build structures that benefit from longevity without suffering from the tendency to become moderate, boring — gradually less than radical over time. I’m still far from sure that I understand the answer to these questions, but I still think they’re good questions.

Personally, I think I’m still working on Slingshot out of pure stubbornness. I don’t think its necessarily a good idea for anyone to be this stubborn or work on one project for this long, but everyone has personality faults they wish they could change. This is mine.

For me working on Slingshot is a personal psychological necessity — I need to feel like I’m trying to do something about the horrendous state of the world — about things I wish were different. To be honest, sometimes, even for years at a time, it doesn’t feel like working on Slingshot does any good at all. My key to maintaining my activism over all these years is to simply ignore that feeling when it surfaces. There are other times when it seems like it might possibly make a little difference — that people and society are capable of change, and that distributing visions and inspiration for change can help. The process of writing a newspaper and then distributing it all over the place — the idea that it may be read by other people you will never meet — this feels like a way to go beyond just hoping the world will change.

* * *

Slingshot completely severed its ties with the university scene in the early 1990s. For a while after everyone had graduated, we kept our office and mailing address on campus and used the university mailing permit, but eventually the whole process of finding “front students” to sign everything got to be more trouble than it was worth. The university, reacting to the campus anti-apartheid movement in the mid-80s, kept making new rules to prevent students and off-campus radicals from cooperating. The university finally banned people without student IDs from coming into many campus buildings. This tactic worked — since then, there hasn’t been much contact between the shrinking student radical scene and radicals living in town.

Just at that moment, in the spring of 1993, the Long Haul, a movement space for meetings that started in 1979, was facing eviction. We rented an office at Long Haul and joined the struggle to stop the eviction.

Up to this point, it wasn’t clear if Slingshot would keep going or not. After publishing weekly for a while, it started publishing monthly. Then in 1990 publication got less and less frequent. Renting an office was a declaration of sorts that Slingshot would keep going and transition to a new phase. Most people in the collective were a little older and were working more hours by then, so the project had to adjust.

We decided to publish quarterly, doing most work on the evenings and on weekends. There would be a deadline for articles and then everyone in the collective would read the articles — a process we call collective editing. Then, on the Friday night before doing page layout, we would have an “all night meeting” during which we would decide what articles to print and which ones to cut, and which pages to put articles on. Then people in the collective would volunteer to layout one or more pages. All this would get written on chalk boards. The all night meeting is a long meeting fueled by bags of chocolate chips with tons of political debate and struggle, sometimes bitter arguments, often howls of laughter and eventually total exhaustion and frustration. After staying up way too late Friday night, we would get up on Saturday and proceed to spend every waking moment of the weekend putting the whole paper together like a giant jigsaw puzzle. On Monday, mentally and physically spent, we would take the paper to the printer.

Most of the traditions developed at that time persist to this day.

* * *

One frustrating thing about working on a radical project for a long time is that you often can’t really tell if its doing any good. I’ve often suspected that a major source of “burnout” for activists is related to this uncertainty. At first, people get involved because they’re inspired to make change — they’re distressed at how things are. Over time,
they put in a huge amount of work and time and energy. Weekends and evenings get spent in meetings and stuff like vacations and fun can sometimes get delayed or sacrificed. For most people, this would be okay if they could see how their work was making change. But after a certain amount of time, they realize that they can’t tell if anything is changing. Or maybe they realize that this whole social change thing could take a l o n g time. Not just a few years — maybe not even a few generations.

At this point, some people figure they have a choice — sacrifice their personal life in endless frustrating meetings for something that is uncertain and illusive, or flush activism completely down the toilet and enjoy life. I’ve noticed that the people most likely to burn out are precisely the people who throw themselves into activism the most deeply. The people who take on amazing numbers of projects and seem the most fully dedicated.

An important key to sustaining activism over a long period of time is figuring out a good balance between a happy personal life and activist work. That way, when you start to realize that maybe change could take a long time, you aren’t left with the stark choice of total self-sacrifice or burnout — leaving activism completely behind. Instead, you have better choices: you spend enough time enjoying life while also doing a reasonable amount of activism. While you might not be able to throw all your energy into the cause, at least then you’re doing something — and you can keep doing it even if you’re far from certain that the something you do is the best thing, the right thing or the most effective thing — or that it will even do any good at all. If it doesn’t do any good at all, at least you tried.

Another key to maintaining activism over a long period is to try to make the process as stimulating and humane as possible. We all know there are horrendous meetings and projects that just take energy out of the participants. One of the best parts about working on Slingshot is that while there is a lot of work, I think most of us get something positive out of it, too. Its exciting, at times. It encourages us to think and discuss stuff. We spend social time hanging out and being silly. (That’s why we often do the page layout naked late at night.) The Slingshot crew makes a point of sharing food — we often eat over our meetings. The process of writing and editing a newspaper requires you to think and grow. The collective process of working with others is especially thought provoking. Our ideas grow, expand and improve as we discuss and work with others.

I don’t think the importance of these humanizing aspects can be overstated. Over the last 15 years, the changing Slingshot collective has been my family, my community, my tribe. Where yuppies have a yuppie lifestyle, I have had a Slingshot lifestyle. The extent to which people can find community and support in the activist work they do will help determine how long people can maintain their activism, and how long different activist projects survive.

* * *

Another amazing thing about Slingshot which I think has permitted it to persist all these years is our defense of a participatory do-it-yourself culture. Somewhere early on, we collectively concluded that efficiency wasn’t the most important goal of the project. Mainstream western society always holds efficiency as its highest value, even where the pursuit of efficiency creates human misery or environmental destruction.

Slingshot has always tried to promote participation over a division of labor in which a small number of experts do all the mental work, with the physical work left to peons (or, increasingly, machines). Instead, everyone who works in the collective generally does every job there is to do. To this day, we almost always have new collective members who’ve never designed and laid out a page before do pages right next to people who’ve been doing layout for 20 years.

This is one reason we still insist of using what some consider primitivist publishing and distribution practices. We still do all our layout by hand with scissors and wax instead of with computers because everyone knows how to use a pair of scissors. Using fancy computer programs quickly creates a class of experts, and a disempowered class of people slower or less capable. The process of doing layout by hand is more joyful as well as being more participatory. We don’t spend our whole weekend in front of a computer — we spend it pasting tiny slips of paper together like an insane collage.

Vision for the future

Things for Slingshot are a lot different now than they were when we started. We have a pretty amazing distribution network set up. About 5,000 copies of each issue get mailed to over 200 bookstores and distributors all over the United States, plus we have 1,500 subscribers. We’ve been far more than just a Bay Area paper for the past few years, with the majority of our circulation outside the Bay Area. We have our funding figured out, we have a decent office, an amazing collective, and we have established lots of structures for making things work non-hierarchically and smoothly. Because of the Organizer, people actually know what you’re talking about when you say Slingshot.

The task for the next 15 years is to take what we’ve built in terms of the mechanics of getting a publication out, and use it as well as possible. Our biggest weakness is our content — our writing (and also art and photography . . .) We still function a lot like the zine we were 15 years ago, with most articles originating within the collective. Ideally, we would like to publish articles by outside authors — people who are good writers, or people involved in movements and organizations outside our immediate scene. This issue we’ve worked to reach out a little more than usual. Hopefully we’ll keep reaching out more and more — and talented writers will answer the call.

Another thing I hope will evolve over the next 15 years is a diversification of tone within Slingshot. More personal articles — articles in touch with their emotional life. This isn’t to say we should have less political articles or dilute them — just that politics can take more forms that the typical “this is the problem – here’s the analysis – here is what you can do” mold.

The revolution we need to build is beyond just what’s in our heads — it needs to be about changing our hearts. Another way to put it is that we need to go beyond pure materialism and describe how people’s values, goals and psychological lives can change (without, of course, totally forgetting about structures and institutions.) Our revolution needs to be about people LIVING and loving, not just about being activist robots.

Happy birthday Slingshot.

Slingshot ALumnus Remembers

Slingshot’s 15th birthday makes me feel kind of old, because I was in on it from just about its beginning. I was an English grad student at Berkeley when I became “Experienced” in Jimi Hendrix’s term. I was working on my dissertation, serving as Coordinator of the student Recycling Project, where I met members of the Slingshot Collective. Most of us were Berkeley students. At the time, U.C. Berkeley was hardly radical. Despite the university’s reputation as a hotbed of dissent, a legacy of the 60s, there was a need for a leftist voice, and Slingshot filled that need. Those first issues were printed on white paper, sometimes subversively copied on university copiers.

For one Slingshot article, marking the anniversary of the Free Speech movement at Berkeley, I went to the Bancroft Library Special Collections department, where I looked at their collection of radical papers from the 60s. I am proud to have contributed to a paper that will go into that collection commemorating voices of dissent against the repressive aspects of mainstream society. This despite remarks by “friends” which satirically contrasted my academic writing with the kinds of rhetoric of Slingshot.

I remain an academic — I have a job as a professor in a Southern university (hey, it’s true what the right says about the “liberal academics” corrupting our youth!) — but the articles I write for Slingshot are read by a lot more people than my cerebral studies of William Blake and Victorian novels. Slingshot, I note, now has a circulation of 12,000, and is distributed nationally, including to a sizable incarcerated population. Slingshot has allowed me to spread my strong views on things that confronted me as I became a mother: my belief in “natural” childbirth; my conviction that the practically universal practice of male circumcision in the U.S. is nothing short of genital mutilation. As an environmentalist, Slingshot has allowed me and the branch of the Sierra Club I’m involved with here, to express our opinion on clearcutting, pollution, and genetic engineering.

So, while teaching a class this semester on literary utopias, I read Slingshot as the collective shout of voices that promises an alternative to our present dystopian society, a wave of energy that may help to bring about an ideal society. Without voices of dissent, without resistance to a society whose values are destructive, distorted and demented, utopia will always remain “nowhere” (the literal meaning of the word). It is only by imagining an alternative and articulating opposed values that change will ever come. Viva Slingshot!

Stop the Everyday Way

As horrifying as the prospect of the United States launching a pre-emptive strike war against Iraq is to millions of people, one has to wonder if we’re not all falling into precisely the trap that Bush and Company are laying for us.

This war is being conjured up out of thin air, timed during a major economic downturn, with “debate” and Congressional approval of the war conveniently scheduled a month before mid-term elections. People are hurting financially all over the country. Under these circumstances, Bush’s war talk appears to be a cynical attempt to divert attention from domestic problems, in hopes of gaining a short-term political advantage. The chance to diminish the United Nations, flex unilateral US military dominance, and increase world oil supplies are gravy. The pretext of making the world “safe” from Iraq is at best laughable.

If the only ripple effect of Bush’s war strategy was securing Republican control of the Congress, perhaps it wouldn’t be so bad. Whether Congress is controlled by Republicans or Democrats is essentially irrelevant since both stand for the same earth destroying, worker exploiting, world dominating policies.

But the ripples haven’t been limited to the mainstream political reality. In the US and around the world, people involved in popular movements that had been starting to challenge the economic assumptions of the ruling order — generally known as the anti-globalization movement — have shifted their time and energy to opposing the approaching war. Time that could have been used for positive action has been consumed on reaction — playing defense, not offense.

If those in power are able to divert activism that would have been directed against their economic domination into defensive single-issue activism narrowly focused against war, the war will pay much greater dividends than mere control over vast oil resources.

For our part, it’s crucial that we don’t lose sight of the real war while we’re opposing Bush’s manufactured war against Iraq.

The real war is waged every day, receives little media coverage, and isn’t the subject of countless marches and rallies by well-meaning liberals: its the war of the powerful against the weak, the north against the south, industrialism against the earth, cold economic rationalism against life and freedom.

This daily war systematically causes far more destruction, human misery, death and environmental destruction than Bush’s contemplated war against Iraq will. Bush’s war may kill a million Iraqis, a terrible, unacceptable, horrendous cost.

But how many people are dying day in and day out because of this capitalist/industrial system? How many are living lives as walking dead, their spirits crushed, serving a machine? How many live without food, clean water, a dry place to sleep, any hope or future? Between 1 and 2 billion people worldwide live below the subsistence threshold. Even in Western industrialized countries, millions live hopeless, powerless lives.

As terrible as war against Iraq would be, and as vigorously as we must oppose, disrupt, and if possible prevent the Iraq war, the everyday war must not be permitted to continue. If the war on Iraq can be prevented, it won’t be time to sit back in satisfaction and declare that everything is now “A-okay.” The day before a war on Iraq begins, and the day after it ends, the daily war will continue.

The daily war concentrates the power and weapons of mass destruction in the hands of the United States that makes a war on Iraq possible. Only when the daily war is ended once and for all will the need to oppose this and that military adventure off into the future finally cease.

Fortunately, opposing the war against Iraq and opposing the daily war against the earth and its people are not totally incompatible. While its certainly possible to oppose the war against Iraq in such a narrow way that the everyday war is not simultaneously opposed, there are numerous opportunities to use the struggle against the Iraq war to promote understanding of the struggle against the everyday war.

The horror, the waste and the brutality of war can focus attention on the gap between the rhetoric of our rulers, and the reality of this system. People who believe in the system — who believe that the US is a kind nation which promotes democracy and peace — are ripe to be radicalized when they see how the system operates in practice. In September and October, polls showed a majority of citizens opposed a preemptive attack against Iraq in the face of international opposition. Folks wrote thousands of letters, lobbied their representatives, and got nothing. Now they sit, opposing the US regime, feeling increasingly alienated from the system.

Our opposition to the Iraq war can promote greater awareness of the everyday war by emphasizing the failure of liberal methods and assumptions. The approval of congressional resolutions in favor of the war shows that the system doesn’t care what citizens think. The whole affair demonstrates that the United States government relies, not on the promotion of democracy and peace, but on naked military superiority in international relations.

People who turned out by the thousands to anti-war demonstrations have been confronted with the reality of the corporate media — these demonstrations were largely ignored.

From the liberal perspective, war against Iraq seems an aberration — a violation of the liberal conception of the United States’ role in the world. This is an opportunity to point out that the war isn’t an aberration — its an honest expression of a society that promotes power, violence and domination over self-determination, cooperation and human life. In short, the war unmasks the death culture that is the capitalist / industrial system.

Each speech given by Bush demonstrated the gap between rhetoric and reality: Bush and the US government are guilty of most of the “evils” that Bush charged against Iraq:

  • The US attacks and threatens to attack its neighbors without provocation.
  • The US is the world’s leader in weapons of mass destruction.
  • Bush emphasizes the danger of Iraq acquiring nuclear weapons, when the US already has thousands of them. The US is the only nation to ever use nuclear weapons in war, and its war plans contemplate their use again, including preemptively.

If these actions are evil for Iraq, how are they good for the United States? Nothing distinguishes the US’s military domination of the world scene from Iraq’s much weaker attempted military domination of their local scene.

The task of the radical community goes far beyond working to publicly oppose the war against Iraq. It’s crucial to prevent Bush & Co. from using the war to distract the world from a critique of economic domination. Moreover, it’s up to us to use our struggle to oppose the war in a positive way — to build a movement against the everyday economic war all around us.

Defend the Landfill Freestate

The old Albany landfill is a modern free state. Fennel, trash sculptures, and shacks cover this mound of trash and construction rubble sticking out into the San Francisco bay, an antisocial realm where people do practically whatever they want. Now East Bay bureaucracy is gearing up to subdue the Landfill into a municipal park. While some folks have organized to protect the Landfill in its current state, they are missing the point, as they advocate for free space in the name of public art and dog runs. The landfill cannot exist as a state-sanctioned space. It is inaccessible, dangerous and toxic, a complete liability. The Landfill represents the messy regeneration of life on top industrial collapse, and, for those who can appreciate it, it is beautiful. Because it is completely unorganized, anti-social, it can only exist outside of society. No amount of compromise with the state will allow the Landfill to continue as itself. The state must be forced to relinquish control. The land will be free.

Anarchists, crackheads, speed freaks, punks, partiers, weird creators, solitary souls, hippies, and any one else who gives a shit will form a militia to keep the organized state out of the landfill. Walls will be erected, the neck blasted out, and ferry lines run between the Berkeley Marina for transportation and supplies. While anarchists fight for community organization in the rest of the East Bay, here the chaotic, wild, free nature of anarchism, of life, will be demonstrated in a grand display of creation and force.

Dog walkers, ‘artists’, and other such liberal mandy-panderers will have to choose their side. They must realize that the reason their dogs run free and their paintings show unrestrained, perverted sex is not because the landfill is a dog run or an open-air Mapplethorpe gallery, but because both free dogs and free art are obvious indicators of wild, unrestrained life.

Liberals cannot bargain with the state and retain freedom. Both dog runs and sculpture gardens exist within the organized State, but they are regulated, and the spirit of the landfill will wither as soon as the state sanctions activity there.

The State believes the landfill will be a pleasant addition to the still-developing EastShore Regional Park, a native plant and wildlife sanctuary with paved paths and sports fields. But the landfill is acres of toxic fill, off-gassing PCBs, and heavy metals. The natural state of the landfill is, first, water—and second, the way it is now. Plants and wildlife native to regenerating polluted fill live there already, as do people. The landfill is a necessary result of western civilization. It is not pristine Bay shoreline, almost completely destroyed by the 1950s as developers dumped huge amounts of fill into the bay. (One of the few pristine East Bay beaches is south of the landfill—try focussing on that, fuckers!) It is not friendly to folks sensitive to toxins, to folks reliant on the friendly accoutrements of modern western civilization—paved paths, bathrooms, blue light telephones, drinking fountains, doggie poop collection bags. The State, however, must ‘disappear’ their trash, pretend that their industrial trash can be transformed into a social environment, in order to continue creating crap. Liberal Berkelians insist that modern society is completely and benignly recyclable – piles of refuse are really parkland, and pristine shoreline, art galleries, and purebred dog runs at that. This trash pile is worthwhile, but not because it is recyclable back into society. The landfill is an illustration of beautiful life beyond modern society, and as such, the State must destroy it.

If the State were smart, it would realize—as many governments already have—the benefits of this societal pressure release valve. Raucus stadium concerts, rowdy sports games, and raves all release social energy, but in places like the Landfill folks can make peace with their need to be away from society. Pristine and natural areas show land without people, but the landfill shows land and people in recovery from western civilization—subconscious yet necessary therapy for folks warn thin by the capitalist grind. This is why so many yuppies are drawn to the landfill, not only for their dogs, but for themselves.

Even as new IKEAS pop up, western society continues to overextend and decay. The Albany landfill is a particularly beautiful scene of anarchic regeneration, but even it the landfill itself is let alone, the whole ambiance will change as the proposed Target store and hotel/conference center are built a few hundred yards away. A massive off-ramp leaving I-80 has already been constructed, seemingly in the middle of nowhere, for these development projects. The landfill can’t simply be ‘left alone’—it must succeed from the United States.

Speed freaks, bottle-throwing disenfranchised youth, maladjusted loners, and antisocial wingnuts are joining ranks of regular anarchists to force this succession. As this is written, supplies are being amassed and catapults built. The People’s Park riots of the 1990’s are our inspiration, and we will take the fight one step further, to complete cessation of ties to the state of California. We will dynamite the land bridge, creating the island Landfill Free State. Natural cycles of degeneration and rebirth will continue, untouched by the bureaucratic hand of organized, enforced suffocation. Long Live the Landfill!

Busting on the ILWU

The war at home has escalated. The Pacific Maritime Association (PMA), which represents the big shipping companies, attacked the country’s most militant labor union on September 27th, locking out 10,500 longshore workers along the west coast and successfully obtaining a federally ordered 80 day cooling off period under the anti-labor Taft-Hartley Act. It was a test of PMA’s newest union-busting strategy: seeking justification under the war on terrorism.

The International Longshore and Warehouse Union’s contract expired in July, and the union had been in contract negotiations with the PMA since spring. But months before that, the PMA had been scheming to destroy the ILWU. In May, a new “bosses” organization was formed. Called the “West Coast Waterfront Coalition”, the organization was a coalition of slave labor retailers that included Mattel, Home Depot and the Gap, together with shipping lines Maersk and American President Lines. In this age of sweatshop labor, the dockworkers are the last group of workers in the shipping lines’ food chain who are paid fairly. The PMA would like nothing better than to reduce them to sweatshop labor as well.

The coalition used the “war on terrorism” to try and destroy the ILWU. This spring, the group held covert meetings with the Bush Administration’s task force that was set up to monitor ILWU contract negotiations. Early in those talks, Homeland Security adviser Tom Ridge called James Spinosa, president of the ILWU, and told Spinosa that any strike would be considered a threat to national security and that the Bush Administration would act to stop it.

The PMA, apparently too impatient to wait for a strike so they could have the government step in to facilitate their union-busting, came up with a most devious plan: The PMA could lock the workers out, and by doing so force the government to do their dirty work for them. The government’s rarely-used Taft-Hartley Act allows for government intervention in union/management negotiations, by enforcing an 80-day “cooling-off” period during which the union workers are forced back to work. The PMA knew that if they stopped goods from coming in they could ensure that the Bush Administration would favor the PMA by invoking the Taft-Hartley Act. That way, when the bosses lock out the workers and freeze commerce, they can also reap the benefits of

the negative image of ungrateful dockworkers on strike.

The fairly paid dockworkers know that the sweatshops stop at the West Coast ports. The PMA knows that too, and they would like nothing better than to ensure that from beginning to end all their slaves are paid the minimum.

The 80-day “cooling-off” period is more like a simmering period. Tensions are still running high between the union and the PMA, and nothing has changed in negotiations. And if the workers do strike, the president has another tool at his disposal—he can replace striking dockworkers with the Navy and the National Guard.

But there may be a problem for the union busting bosses — other dockworker unions around the globe are already confirming their solidarity with the ILWU, and won’t unload ships if they are not loaded by the ILWU in America. The ILWU has a history of international solidarity; they took a stand against apartheid and refused to unload Nazi ships before World War II while Henry Ford was still selling them arms. The ILWU has stood behind every dock strike from Liverpool to Japan and those workers will return that solidarity.

If the PMA and the government are allowed to keep the union from organizing contracts coast wide or to replace the union workers with the military, we may see the most vicious international labor battle in history. As Slingshot goes to press, the 80-day cooling off period is still in effect and negotiations are continuing. There can be no war abroad without a war at home, and this has never been clearer with this attack against the ILWU. Support the ILWU, because this battle will affect workers the world over. The ILWU has taken stands for social justice and will continue to do so; they will not be cowed.

Critical Mass: The Military Thinks We're Smart

Strange World Department: Critical Mass Studied As Military Tactic

The Washington Post recently reported that the US Defense Department has been studying Critical Mass bike ride’s swarming of bikes as a military tactic: “The U.S. military has been one of the earliest institutions to both fear and see the possibilities in swarming. John Arquilla co-authored ‘Swarming and the Future of Conflict’ two years ago for the think tank Rand Corp. and the Office of the Secretary of Defense. He sees swarming – ‘a deliberately structured, coordinated, strategic way to strike from all directions’ – as spearheading a revolution in military affairs. ‘The military has much to learn from Critical Mass,’ he writes in an e-mail, ‘I used to go up to San Francisco regularly to see this leaderless swarm of bicyclists bring traffic to a complete halt for two hours. Once I asked a police sergeant, as he stood observing the Ferry Building, what he was going to do about this. He shrugged his shoulders and asked me back, “What would you have me do?'”

Little did we know that the US government was snooping while we were whooping.

Activist Repression

ALF member’s house raided

On Tuesday July 30, 2002 in Courtenay, British Columbia, members of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Canada’s national police agency raided the home and office of David Barbarash, Animal Liberation Front member.

The search and seizure was carried out on behalf of law enforcement from two counties in the State of Maine, under the auspices of the Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Treaty. The incidents being investigated actually took place three years ago and were relatively minor actions. Barbarash was neither charged or under investigation for any actions or crimes in Maine’s Kennebec and Sagadahoc counties. On November 13 a hearing took place in B.C. Supreme Court in Vancouver, discussing the warrant and its execution.

Meanwhile all of David’s seized property is being held until an order is passed for it to be sent to Maine. He is fighting to have the stuff returned.

The ALF Press Office is seeking monetary donations to help cover legal expenses and the cost of replacing computers and software seized in the search. Donations and requests for more info can be sent to: P.O. Box 3673 Courtenay, BC V9N 7P1 Canada E-mail: naalfpo@tao.ca

Baltimore Anti-racist 28

On August 24, 2002, 28 anti-racists were arrested in Baltimore while attempting to protest a meeting of the National Alliance, one of the larger neo-nazi groups in the U.S. Some two hundred racists were gathering there to meet before caravanning to their march and rally in Washington, D.C., later that day.

As the anti-racist activists entered the parking lot of the meeting site, they were confronted by several police cars and eventually brought to the Southeast District station, where they were held for hours with no charges then transferred to Central Booking and kept for twenty-four hours, before receiving their papers. After being interviewed they were charged with rioting, aggravated assault, disorderly conduct, and possession of a deadly weapon. Some were released on their own recognizance while others received bail amounts upwards of $10,000. None of these activist had committed any crime.

Since the arrests the State Attorney’s office has decided not to prosecute, however these bogus charges remain on record and will need to be expunged. The 28 are trying to cover legal expenses and are seeking financial support. Please send legal support donations to: Black Planet Books 1621 Fleet St. Baltimore, MD 21231-2931 E-mail: antifalegal@hotmail.com

BASTARD Conference

BASTARD (Berkeley Anarchist Students of Theory And Reseach & Development) presents the 3rd annual BASTARD Anarchist Theory Conference. The conference will be Sunday, March 30th, the day after the San Francisco Anarchist Book Fair. This tear the emphasis will be on anarchist economics with an entire track dedicated to analysis of economics today, visions of future economics, and theories of anarchist economics that differentiate it from market, utopian, and Marxist theories of economics.

Proposals for other topics will also be considered. Please send workshop proposals to bastard@angrynerds.com or mail to: ASG c/o the Long Haul, 3124 Shattuck Ave., Berkeley, CA 94705