Book review: Horizontalism: Voices of popular Power in Argentina by Marina Sitrin (Editor) – published by AK Press

Published by AK Press (2006) $18.95

This book came out in Spanish a few years ago and now, an English translation let me read this for the first time. It’s no disappointment! Horizontalism is about the social movements in Argentina since the economic collapse of December 2001 — a part of the bigger movements for social justice sweeping across Latin America. What I really liked about this book is that it’s from the point of view of people participating in the movement. The movement is really different from a lot of others — from the ground-up and not imposed by elites or cadres. The 2001 economic collapse was an event that created a grassroots, mass uprising.

The book is divided into sections and based on interviews providing different perspectives on different subjects. One section deals with how people thought the country changed in December 2001 when hundreds of neighborhood assemblies suddenly appeared throughout the country. In a country where 30,000 people disappeared in the 1980s during the military dictatorship, all of a sudden no one, even the middle class, could get their money. Thousands of people in Buenos Aires took to the streets and banged pots into the night. From there, people began gathering in their neighborhoods to try to run their own lives outside of the failed money economy. They took over factories and other workplaces where the management had either fled or owed the workers large amounts of money and occupied unused buildings. This direct action flew in the face of the clientilism of Argentina.

The famous roadblocks of the landless MST movement in Brazil, where people blocked off roads across the country to shut down commerce, swept across Argentina. The popular slogan was “Oh, que se vayan todos!” (“They all must go!”, referring to the nation’s “democratically” elected politicians.) A sudden burst of anger brought down five Presidents in a matter of two weeks.

The process of “horizontalidad” became the main philosophy of the uprising. In the assemblies and collectives, people worked together for their common well being, equal in power at least in structure, often with consensus instead of voting. Several people interviewed in the book commented that while having a boss or simply voting for decision making might be easier, you disempower people when you go the easy route. There are several great lines about how the walk is just as important as the talk, and how bullshit speeches and posturing don’t take a group of people very far.

In an interview in the book, an interviewee described horizontalism: “There isn’t one right way; there isn’t anyone that has the truth and tells us what we have to do. It means seeing each other as equals, or trying to see each other as equals. It also means — and this is something that’s a challenge for the assemblies — learning to listen to one another. The assembly is like a game, it’s really interesting. Someone comes up with an idea and the idea is elaborated upon by someone else, then someone else expands or changes it, and then as you listen, another person improves the idea, or says something totally different. The initial person might say ‘no’ or agree, and this is how we move forward. It’s like the game where a group makes up a story together. One person says ‘the house’ and the next says ‘the house is’ and the next ‘the house is in’ and then ‘the house is in the mountains.’ If someone is in the assembly not listening, but talking, and trying to move forward with something else… Or if that person just makes statements or speeches, which sometimes happens, things really don’t go anywhere.”

Another section is on autogestion, or workers’ self-management, focusing on how the explosions of December 19th and 20th gave worker activists — who had been fighting management for years on issues like safety, back-wages, and dignity on the job — a chance to demonstrate a different way of doing things. Workers who were owed tons of money kept factories, clinics, bakeries and distribution centers open, but kept the profits for themselves instead of giving it over to the boss. Nearly 200 companies were taken over in this fashion. Though they still operated under “the market,” the fact that they got rid of their bosses was a very important step. Many actually moved into the factories because “they didn’t have enough money to get home” and were sick and tired of walking all their lives. Some decided to make the workplaces into service centers for their neighborhoods instead of for the rich. Many of these efforts have been shut down since by the government and repression, but there are also many still operating today.

Another chapter deals with women. Before the uprising, machismo was very widespread in Argentina. Several people in the book note that amongst the first people organizing neighborhood assemblies and setting up road blockades were women who had traditionally taken care of the children. When men got involved, they talked more than anyone else. Many women’s collectives and groups started during this time as people realized it was okay to speak out against old forms of repression.

There’s a good chapter on repression by the state and it’s allies as well — I don’t want to give the impression that everything is lala-happy in Argentina or that revolutionary work has been completed. There were several instances of police killing people at the roadblocks, assassinations, and violent evictions of occupied spaces.

This is really a beautiful book. I give Sitrin a lot of credit for letting people speak for themselves. It’s very hard to say what will happen in Argentina in the next few years, or in Latin America, or the world for that matter, but I’m really glad I got a chance to read the experiences of these people in Argentina striving to create a world without oppression or hierarchy. They’re trying to build a world where everyone has the power to decide what is best for their community. The question is, how can we defend this new world from its enemies like the state or defenders of the old ways?

James Generic is a member of the Wooden Shoe Book collective, Philadelphia, PA.

First (inter)National Copwatch Conference July 13-15, 2007

WE know we are out there! We know that in cities across this country people are watching the cops and offering resistance to abusive cops and the machinery of the police state. Based on our experience, over 100 organizations across the country are monitoring the police.

Berkeley Copwatch is hosting the first (inter)National Copwatch Conference July 13-15 2007 in Berkeley, CA. The event is to empower groups and individuals to be more effective in holding police accountable for their actions. We are planning skill-oriented workshops that are practical for those directly monitoring the police as well as strategy-focused workshops that enable discussion of theory and strategies for building a broader movement.

Our intent is to strengthen the national network of Copwatches, not create a national or centralized organization. Our greatest strengths are in our local and direct approaches to this many-faceted problem. We want to figure out how to share our experiences, build relationships, and act in support and solidarity with each other.

We want your help getting the word out. We also want to know what to include to make this conference as useful as possible to Copwatchers who are either in the streets now or are considering beginning a Copwatch type organization.

For more information about attending or submitting workshop ideas, go to www.copwatchconference.org or email us at cwconference2007@lists.riseup.net.

in solidarity, copwatch conference organizers

Free the San Francisco 8

In early morning raids on January 23 in California, New York and Florida, police arrested former Black Panther Party supporters on charges including murder and conspiracy in relation to the 1971 death of San Francisco police officer John Young. Those arrested were Richard Brown, Richard O’Neal, Francisco Torres, Ray Boudreaux, Henry Watson Jones and Harold Taylor. Two men already in jail — Herman Bell and Anthony Bottom — were also charged. The police are still seeking Ronald Bridgeforth who is additionally being charged with aggravated assault. After decades of harassment, grand jury investigations, indictments and murder, this racist frameup reveals the relentlessness of the state’s vendetta against the Black Panther Party. Justice loving people must demand: Drop all the charges now!

The San Francisco Chronicle’s front pages were filled with stories in which the brothers charged are smeared as “classic domestic terrorists” carrying out a campaign aimed at “assassinating law enforcement officers.” In fact, there was indeed a campaign of terror in the 1960s and ’70s: the government’s murderous COINTELPRO (FBI Counter-intelligence program) effort to destroy an entire generation of black and leftist militants, in which at least 38 Panthers were killed. In September 1968, FBI head J. Edgar Hoover called the Black Panthers “the greatest threat to the internal security of the country.” Commenting on today’s climate defined by the “war on terror,” Ray Boudreaux, one of those arrested in the roundup, told the LA times, “When I watched on TV the twin towers come down, deep in my heart I knew that someone will come by and visit me as soon as they can get it organized, and they did. Once upon a time, they called me a terrorist too. To expedite something in the system, they put the ‘terror’ tag on it, and it gets done.”

Prosecutors are now claiming new evidence and a secret government witness. Defense attorneys believe that the witness is Ruben Scott, whose “confession” following his arrest in 1973 was coerced through torture, as were those of two others. As Bill Goodman, legal director of the Center for Constitutional Rights, said, “The case against these men was built on torture and serves to remind us that the U.S. government, which recently has engaged in such horrific forms of torture and abuse at places like Bagram, Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo, has a history of torture and abuse in this country as well, particularly against African Americans.”

This nationwide roundup is part of the state’s campaign to paint those who stand up for black rights as “terrorists.” For over 30 years the police have tried to pin this murder on these men. Charges brought in 1975 against John Bowman (who just died) and Harold Taylor were obtained through torture by the New Orleans police after they were tracked to New Orleans by two San Francisco police inspectors. According to press accounts, their torture included being stripped naked and beaten with blunt objects, placing electric probes on their genitals and inserting an electric cattle prod in each man’s anus. The charges were dismissed because the prosecution had failed to tell the grand jury that the men’s confessions had been coerced. Thirty years later, prosecutors were still unsuccessful in obtaining indictments of any of these men despite convening California state and federal grand juries-first in 2003-2004, May and August of 2005.

The arrests of January 23 are but another instance where the government, having failed in earlier efforts, resorts to extraordinary repressive measures to ensure persecution of those it deems opponents. It is up to us to insure that the government fails in this frameup attempt. Again.

Drop the charges! Release the San Francisco 8 now!

For more information see Neutralize and Destroy: The Continuing Vendetta Against the Panthers itsabouttimebpp.Vendetta/Pt 1/pdf/SFBayView_Vendetta_Ag_E4C91.

STATEMENT OF PROTEST IN REGARDS TO THE UNREASONABLE BAIL IMPOSED BY THE SAN FRANCISCO COURT

By three former-Panthers: Larry P, Eddie W & Gerald S

The San Francisco 8 are already serving de facto prison terms because of their high bail, which they can’t pay. Reducing bail from five million to three million dollars is like stealing a body from a grave and claiming that it was not theft because the victim did not resist! It is utterly absurd, and it is an insult to all justice loving people. In this case we the people MUST resist this outrage! These men, who have been convicted of nothing in this matter, are already being punished by the very amount of their so-called bail, which is nothing more than a ransom, NOT bail.

When the 911 attack occurred many saw it as a tragedy, but the ruling elite, both Democrats and Republicans saw it as an opportunity to undermine and liquidate all legal, democratic, and constitutional rights that they felt stood in the way of them holding absolute power.

There are counter-examples to this bastardized version of American post 911 “justice.” Bruce Wright, a New York City Judge, and author of “Black Robes, White Justice” found himself in conflict with New York’s “Finest” over his bail policy. The nickname “Turn’em Loose Bruce” was given to him by the police “union” when he released an accused police slasher on his own recognizance. Judge Wright pointed out that “bail is not intended to be punishment. Rather its function is to guarantee that an accused person will return to court to face the charges against him.”

Judge Wright was adamant that his imposition of low bail was both respect paid to the presumption of innocence and upholding the Eight Amendment, to the U.S. constitution, which states that “EXCESSIVE BAIL SHALL NOT BE REQUIRED.”

Precisely who is it today that constitutes the real danger to the Bill of Rights the court or the S.F. 8? To ask the question is to answer it. Exactly what does the Constitution and the Bill of Rights Guarantee? All Told. Nothing! We must never forget: The working class and the oppressed, of this country, have no rights that they are unable or unwilling to defend. Only the conscious and uncompromising intervention of all those who understand the true nature of this frame-up can free the San Francisco 8.

Few roadmaps for radical fathering

Rad Dad is a thrice yearly zine on radical fathering put together by Tomas Moniz. If radical politics and living in ways that are critical of white-supremacy, capitalism and patriarchy are to be more than just a phase passed through by young people who have yet to burn out and buy in, then it is important to consider how radicals can collectively support each other throughout all seasons of life. Publications that specifically address the concerns of radical men who are raising kids are valuable because of the way that society often attributes nurturing parental relationships to women and mothers. Rad Dad offers a place for people of all genders to think about issues that effect radical parents and hear them articulated by men who are often trying to take a more active role in parenting than was expected of their fathers and grandfathers.

One of the things I like most about Rad Dad is the way that it expresses struggles and tensions rather than solutions. Tomas, who edits and generally contributes 2-3 pieces to the zine each issue, does not set himself up as an authority on radical parenting so much as to share, along with the other contributors, some of the struggles he has raising people in this messed up world. His pieces have dealt with pornography, drug use and how to watch his children navigate the racism and sexism of the system while giving them the space to make mistakes, or even just make choices that are different from the ones he would make. The other contributors bring in different voices of men raising kids; struggling to exist in a radical scene that is hostile to parents or a parenting scene that is hostile to radicals, questioning the conventional wisdom of punishments and rewards, and being a gay uncle/sperm donor or a dad who didn’t happen to donate sperm. Rad Dad also frequently includes lists of resources for radical parents, from message boards to children’s books.

The theme for issue 6 is anger and frustration. Tomas starts with a personal introduction about how he has been angry a lot lately and butting heads with his son; about acknowledging that anger but not letting it overwhelm all of the other things he is feeling. This is followed by selections from a message board of men dealing with frustration at toddlers to share stories and give each other support. Another writer, Chip writes about how he struggles with fears of becoming the ‘angry guy’ his father was as he interacts with his teenage daughter. Several other contributions follow and Tomas concludes with a piece about how his own father was often unable to communicate his love, but that learning from his father in retrospect and doing Rad Dad makes Tomas hopeful about his own efforts to show love to his children. There are no answers in Rad Dad, only the wisdom that comes from sharing struggles. Issue 6 also showcases another stunning letterpress printed cover by artnoose which substantially adds to the visual appeal of the zine.

I am not a parent and don’t see myself becoming one in the near future, however I do find it helpful to think about how I interact with children and friends who are parents. Most of us will become involved in a child’s life at some point either as a mom or dad, uncle or aunt, housemate or friend. It is easy for radical people, who are often socialized so badly, to interact with kids in messed up ways, especially if they haven’t reflected on the ways that their politics can inform their interactions with kids and parents. Writings and conversations about radical parenting consistently give me things to think about.

Desert storm patriotism morphs into Opertion Iraqi Freedom Opposition

When I look at pictures of myself wearing my ROTC uniform, I am reminded of Desert Storm, which topped the headlines of all the major news networks at that time. I remember cheering the explosions that seemed to be on every channel. When a few friends of mine found out that there was going to be a rally at my high school to protest against the war, we made sure that we were there to protest against the rally. ” I’d travel a thousand miles to smoke a camel jockey” or “kill em’ all, and let God sort em’ out,” read some of the banners we held. I had joined the Army Reserves Delayed Entry program a year earlier and was eager to join in on the action. I was really gung-ho back then. Unfortunately, not everyone shared my ideals. I lost many friends because of my support of the first war in Iraq. As far as I was concerned they were a bunch of unpatriotic beatniks that should have taken the next flight to Canada.

Today, much like then, our country is experiencing a division that has split friends, families, and our nation. On one side we had those that supported our nation’s aggressive actions and feel that support must be total and unwavering regardless of the circumstances. On the other hand, you have those that reject violence and feel it is only a last resort to be used after all other options have been exhausted. The battle lines have been drawn. I was born on one side and grew up into the other. Much time has passed and I’ve matured so much since then. I’ve had one too many life changing experiences and that person I used to be has become more than a stranger.

During the first Gulf War, I would watch the news broadcasts that showed the most explosions, the closest shots to the dead Iraqi soldiers, and the best views of the mutilated bodies. I have no idea if the reporters talked about how many innocent civilians were killed, how many homes had been destroyed, or how many lives had been ruined. If they did, I didn’t pay much attention to it. When the second Gulf War began, I was much better informed about how war impacts so many lives in horrible ways. I was disgusted by the graphic pictures that were being shown on television. I found it difficult to avoid the gruesome images that seemed to be everywhere. They were reminders of the destruction of war and the ignorance and stubbornness of my youth. I wondered how many teenagers were also watching the same explosions but cheering for them instead of cringing.

In my senior year in high school, I used to have an Army recruitment sticker on my locker. I attended every rally. Both pro and anti war. If it was a pro war rally, I would give a loud “amen” to every phrase. If it was an anti war rally, I would bring my trumpet along and make the entire affair hard for anyone to hear. I wore a jacket that had an Ace of Spades card with a few bullet holes in it. It was a symbol used during the Vietnam War to mark enemy soldiers. U.S. soldiers wore them on their uniforms as a sign that they accepted death; that they knew death was a part of war. Since the second Gulf war began, I find myself writing letters to many newspapers and magazines expressing opposition to their pro war views. I have not taken part in any anti war rallies, but I would if I could. I’ve made plans to cover up the Ace of Spades I have tattooed on my back. On Television I see the faces of young soldiers and can’t help feeling sorry for them. If they live long enough, they will look back on these days and hopefully have a much better understanding of just how war destroys so much and accomplishes so little.

I enlisted into the Army when I was just seventeen. I had my recruiter visit my parents to have their permission to do so. Because of my high ASVAB score, I was able to secure an assignment to a computer programming unit. After the first Gulf war began, I went through a lot of trouble but was finally able to change my assignment to an airborne infantry unit. I wanted to be on the front lines racking up kills and not sitting behind a computer logging hours. I am haunted by images of people who I have hurt in my past. My subconscious does not differentiate between those that I hurt in self-defense or those that I have hurt for other reasons. I can’t imagine hurting anyone ever again, let alone, taking someone’s life for any reason unless it is to preserve my life or the lives of those I love. I find it hard to believe that I willingly enlisted in a job that’s sole purpose is to kill other human beings. I will forever pay the price for that mistake. I have enough skeletons in my closet to keep my sleep full of nightmares for the rest of my life. On television, and in newspapers and magazines, I see many young faces who will undoubtedly suffer the same consequences. Unfortunately, those who support the war but don’t actually participate, they will never have to face these demons. They are merely cheerleaders who never actually stepped onto the field.

A young teenager’s view of the world does not have room for the repercussions of his or her actions. There is no thought about how their present actions will destroy dreams only to have traumatic recollections take their place. To a teenager, war is a deadly game of freeze tag where they don’t think about whether people become animate once the game is over. I used to look at pictures of myself in uniform with pride. I would keep them in frames on my walls. Now I have them tucked in photo albums next to pictures of myself dressed up as Dracula, Zorro, and the homeless bum carrying his trick-or-treat bag on a stick–pictures of my childhood when I thought everything was great but actually looked pretty silly. I look at that boy’s face in those pictures and ask him what he was thinking. He just keeps on smiling. So sure of himself.

Jesus B Castaneda is currently imprisoned in California’s High Desert State Prison. Write to him at Jesus B Castaneda #K-23993, HDSP B4-109, PO Box 3030, Susanville, CA 96127

a place for you when you're travelling through

Compiled by PB Floyd

It’s getting to be summer traveling season. Here are some spaces you can visit. Each infoshop is the culmination of tons of volunteer energy, community inspiration and love. Support these spaces with your time & money!

Each year we publish a list of spaces in our Organizer, going to press in August. So by April, with new spaces opening and old ones closing, the list is pretty out-of-date. These corrections and additions add to the list of corrections we published in issues #92 and #93. Because we are computer idiots, we haven’t updated our on-line radical contact list for over a year, so ironically, the list we published in the organizer (in August 06) is better than what is on-line, and these in-print updates are more up-to-date than either our on-line list or the organizer. Some day we’ll get into the computer age and fix the on-line list. Sorry.

Action for Community in Raleigh – Raleigh, NC

ACRe has a zine library, bike project, skill shares, cooking for Food Not Bombs, meeting space, urban gardening and more. They’re located at 2419 Mayview St. Raleigh, NC 27607 (919) 341-8263 raleighaction.org

City Heights Free Skool – San Diego, CA

They operate a free skool and have a permanent location featuring a library, free internet access, bike shop, and meeting/event space. Check out 4246 Wightman San Diego, CA 92105 619-528-8060, cityheightsfreeskool.org

Sky Dragon Center – Hamilton, Ontario, Canada

A food co-op with space for artists, radical films and a farmer’s market that is involved in local green and anti-sprawl activities. We’re told it is a “hub for many different facets of radical people” in Hamilton. Check them out at 27 King William St, Hamilton, ON, Canada, L8N 1A3, (905) 777-8102, www.skydragon.org

GlobalAware CounterSpace – Toronto, Ontario, Canada

They just opened a gallery and shop. 19 Kensington Avenue Kensington Market Toronto, ON M5T 2J8, 416 204 1984 www.GlobalAware.org

Places just getting going

• Folks in Philadelphia are working on starting the Heartsville Community Space – they want to open a space with a library, internet access and a meeting room open for educational events by the summer. Contact them at PO Box 5917, Phili, PA 19137. 215-279-6420

Places that have closed

• Rebel Books in Wilmington, NC is gone.

• Castle Olympus in Columbia, SC is closed.

• The Boiling Point space in Charlotte, NC is no longer running.

• We got mail returned from the Clandestinos Collective in Denver and thus think they may no longer exist. Let us know if you have info.

• The Wildcat Infoshop in Lexignton, KY was shut down by fire marshals/police and then

evicted by the landlord.

• The 908 Collective Space in Fort Collins CO, is shut down.

Calendar issue #94

May

May 19 • 11 – 6 pm

8th Annual Montreal Anarchist Bookfair Montreal, Quebec 514 859-9090, www.anarchistbookfair.ca

May 31 – June 3

Pedagogy and Theatre of the Oppressed Conference Minneaoplis MN www.mwsocialforum.org

June

June 1-7

The 9th Annual Wild Earth Gathering, Coastal, BC wildearth.resist.ca/, wildearth@resist.ca

June 6-8

Protest G8 meeting in Heiligendamm, Germany. dissentnetwork.org

June 9 – 10

Sexy Spring – Minneapolis, MN Sexyspring.org

June 13-15

1st (inter)National Copwatch Conference in Berkeley,CA cwconference2007@lists.riseup.net (see page 12)

June 14-15

Resist the Atlantica free trade summit — a proposed free trade agreement. Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada. www.stopatlantica.org resistatlantica2007@gmail.com

June 21-23

Free Minds Free People – A national conference on education for liberation. Chicago, IL edliberation.org

June 22 • 3 pm

Transgender March – San Francisco – Dolores Park transmarch.org

June 23 • 3 pm

Dyke March – San Francisco – Dolores Park – March @ 7 dykemarch.org

June 24

San Francisco Gay/Lesbian/Bi-sexual/Trans Pride march – sfpride.org

June 27 – July 1

US Social Forum – Atlanta, GA. www.ussf2007.org

lum-pen-pro-le-tar-i-at n. the lowest level of the proletariat comprising unskilled workers, vagrants, and criminals and characterized by a lack of class-consciousness.

July

July 2 – 8

Earth First! Round River rendezvous – Southern Indiana – http://earthfirst.bee-town.com

July 8 – 10

International Anarchist Conference Mexico City, Mexico email biblioteca@libertad.org.mx

July 13 – 15

Think GalactiCon – Radical Sci-Fi Convention Chicago, IL – Roosevelt University – thinkgalactica.org

July 21-31

EZLN Intergalactic Encuentro – Mexico www.zeztainternazional.org/esp

July 31

Deadline to submit art, historical dates, radical contact info for 2008 Slingshot Organizer – 3124 Shattuck Berkeley

August

August 19 • 4 pm

Slingshot new volunteer meeting – get involved in this rag – 3124 Shattuck Ave. Berkeley

August 31 – Sept. 2

RNC 2008 Welcoming Committee pre-convention planning skillshare — get to know Minneapolis/St. Paul — Critical Mass, tours, workshops, street medic training. www.rncwelcomingcommittee.org

August • date / location TBA

Feral Visions Against Civilization – greenanarchy.org

September

September 7

Protest the APEC summit meeting in Sydney, Australia. www.stopwarcoalition.org

September 14-16

Protest the fall meeting of the IMF/World Bank – films, rallies and discussions. www.50years.org

September 15 • 3 pm

Article and art submissions due for Slingshot issue #95 at the Long Haul in Berkeley.

And so on…

February 29, 2008

Global Leap Day Action Night – www.leapdayaction.org

Pick yer Own: building community through DIY urban harvesting

This past summer, my housemates and I harvested and processed hundreds of pounds of apples, pears, olives and persimmons all from within a few blocks of our house. Urban harvesting has numerous overlapping positive aspects: it nurtures community and encourages talking to your neighbors, it promotes consumption of locally grown, non-fossil fuel tainted food, it is do-it-yourself (DIY) so you learn new skills, it gives you a valuable connection to the earth and its natural cycles which people in cities often lack, and it permits you to experiment with distribution outside of the market system.

Harvesting

It is hard to believe how much fruit one small tree can produce! The first step is identifying fruit trees near your house. In our neighborhood, there are many fruit trees that are not harvested because the people living in the house with the tree don’t do the work. You can walk around and make a map in your head or on paper when the fruit is ripe and note which trees seem to get harvested and which don’t.

Then comes the exciting, but perhaps uncomfortable part: you have to talk to your neighbors and ask if you can harvest their tree. We left a note with our phone number or visited if we already knew the neighbor. It seems that neighbors talk to each other less and less in the modern world, and that’s too bad. Perhaps it is the rise of internet and car culture — a culture of isolation and loneliness. When I was growing up, I knew people maybe within a block or two of my parent’s house. Since then, I’ve sometimes lived somewhere and not even known the person next door! Meeting neighbors moves the idea of “building community” from just a slogan to reality. Communities where people know each other can organize to resist hierarchical power structures and build voluntary, non-market based alternatives.

When our house asked to pick our neighbor’s trees, they always said yes — sometimes with great excitement. The neighbors were usually happy to have someone use the food and picking fruit trees avoids a rotting mess when the fruit falls to the ground.

Picking itself was exciting and a good house activity. We stood on garage roofs and used tall ladders and cloth bags over our shoulders. Once when I was picking alone, the ladder collapsed and I had to jump into the upper branches of a tree to avoid falling. Luckily, a friend biked by soon afterwards and re-set the ladder for me. Thus, I suggest picking with a friend in case something goes wrong.

The real fun begins once the fruit is picked. The first thing you learn is that fruit ripens all at once. So harvesting isn’t like going to a grocery store and only getting what you need at that time. When you harvest, you either have nothing, or way too much of a particular thing. Our ancestors knew what foods were in season at what times like the back of their hands, but in a world with fruit shipped around by airplane, we get fooled into eating like the seasons don’t exist.

Once you start to notice what is in season in your area, you may begin to adjust what you eat and seek out locally grown food in season. Eating like this drastically decreases the amount of fossil fuels required to keep you fed. Noticing these things adds richness and connection to your life experience just as living a mechanical life disconnected from the earth and its cycles can strip meaning away.

Preserving and distributing

When you harvest vastly more of a particular fruit than you can eat — which you will because trees make so much fruit — you can either preserve it or distribute the excess. At one point last summer, we had several hundred pounds of pears that all ripened within a week or two — it was a great test of our creativity.

Preserving foods opens lots of DIY opportunities. Last summer, we dried huge quantities of pears and apples. We used a store-bought fruit drier someone gave us — this summer I’m going to build a solar one.

My housemates also made some of the pears into juice which they are currently fermenting into hard cider. We hope that once they learn what they’re doing, our house can make lots of apple and pear cider and eventually (after the revolution) trade it for things we need like bike tires, etc.

My mother has always home-canned huge quantities of fruits and vegetables each summer so I hope to get her to teach me these skills so our house can add canning as an option for preserving fruit we harvest.

The other way to deal with a bountiful harvest is to give the food away. This raises another opportunity for building community and developing alternatives to the market-based distribution systems that exist under capitalism. Our house kept a basket of fruit near the front door so that all visitors took fruit home with them. And we brought fruit with us when we went calling elsewhere.

I also brought fruit with me to give away for free at critical mass bike rides. What if lots of folks brought stuff with them to critical mass, music shows, or other public events to give away? We could build informal, spontaneous “really free markets” every time we gathered for raw food, baked goods, home-manufactured items, and even services. Maybe someone would bring apples, another dumpstered bread, someone else bike tools to fix bikes, and someone else clippers to cut hair. One alternative to the mainstream economy is to build worker-run collectives, but another is to create a gift economy to allow us all to gradually drop out of the capitalist system.

We did all of the harvesting and moving of food either on foot or by bike so our food was not only organic, it was also as fossil fuel free as we could make it. Moving a 16 foot ladder on a bike cart is not only possible — it is fun and intense!

These days, you can get organic and fair trade food, but it is almost impossible to get fossil fuel free food! Figuring out how to grow, distribute and eat fossil fuel free food is the next frontier, because when it comes down to it, burning fossil fuels is killing us. Organic goes part of the way, of course, since a main ingredient in conventionally farmed food is chemical fertilizers, which cannot be made without fossil fuels. But eating organic avocados imported from Chile in January misses the point of “organic” — eating now shouldn’t destroy the environment’s ability to grow food for our grandchildren.

Part of harvesting food is dealing with “imperfect” fruit. In the grocery stores, they don’t sell fruit where part of it is rotting or where it has worm holes. Markets usually don’t even sell organic food with worms or rot — they throw out whatever isn’t “perfect”. However, when you harvest organic food, you quickly realize that some or maybe even most of the fruit has imperfections.

Our house would sort the fruit as soon as we harvested it. The more-perfect looking, large fruit was for eating plain or giving away. The smaller fruits or ones with rot or worms was for drying or juicing. It takes a little time to cut out the rotten or worm-eaten parts, but life isn’t a race. That time is for talking to friends or being present with yourself and the universe.

Epilogue

The reason we harvested other people’s trees was because we have a very small house lot — even after planting every square inch with gardens and trees, we wanted access to more home-grown food. The fact that you, personally, live in an apartment or in a rented house without fruit trees doesn’t mean you can’t be an urban harvester.

It would be easy for cities to plant many more urban fruit trees to supply local food needs, except, naturally, for the law. Most cities make it illegal to plant fruit trees on the parking strip — the little strip of useless grass between the sidewalk and the street on millions of miles of urban streets. The idea behind the law is that urban fruit trees would be messy — the assumption is that no one would pick the fruit and
that it would thus fall to the ground and rot.

These laws are stupid. Why are modern people so afraid of messy things? Life is messy from birth to death and decay — get used to it! A few of the trees we harvested were “illegal” fruit trees on the parking strip. This spring, we’re going to plant a few “illegal” fruit trees on our parking strip. We’re likely to “get away with it” since we’re planning to harvest them and keep the area clean. What if millions of people planted urban trees on parking strips and other unused land?

Or better yet, what if the silly laws were eliminated and cities planted fruit trees on all available parking strips, perhaps with the formation of neighborhood harvest committees or by hiring local youth over the summer to tend, harvest and distribute the fruit?

Happy harvesting!

Community fights to save trees from development

A showdown is happening around the last mature oak grove in the Berkeley foothills on the edge of the University of California, Berkeley campus. The University announced plans, as part of an extreme construction surge, to remove almost 50 trees in order to build a new high-tech training facility adjacent to Memorial Stadium. A strong outcry — including the occupation of trees — has sprung up from many segments of society. The blind acceptance of constant growth at the expense of our history, ecology and neighborhoods has met a strong chord of resistance against this troublesome plan. The sacredness of an oak grove and the pressing issues of global warming and environmental devastation are calling many to make a stand.

Neighbors are alarmed at the degradation to their neighborhood. Environmentalists are concerned about the web of life that the oak grove supports. The California Native Plant Society has declared the importance of this stand of Coast Live Oaks, which has proved resistant to the mold that causes sudden oak death. Students are outraged at the University’s lack of wisdom in pursuing the development here and the Chancellor’s refusal to meet with their student organization. The City of Berkeley is upset that the University is ignoring the city law against cutting mature Live Oaks as well as state law baring construction over earthquake faults. Even student athletes are arguing that a training facility should be built at a more appropriate site. There are currently four separate lawsuits filed against the plan.

Unfortunately, there are foolish and powerful forces at play. The University claims exemption from Berkeley City law and is guided by a board of regents with extensive corporate connections that often pushes through plans detrimental to the local (and arguably greater) community. The $125 million (!?!) of funds for the construction of the gym are coming from “private donations” and the environmental impact report being used was written by the university itself.

There is big money in sports and Memorial Stadium is the home of Cal’s football team. The team was a winner this year with a coach whose contract commitment to Cal would be strengthened by the construction of the new facility. UC usually does what it wants and locals have few options to stop them.

This is not just an issue for Berkeley or California. All over this country development is systematically prioritized over the preservation of green spaces. Powerful money interests are rapidly and radically demolishing open space with little regard for how their actions affect the corresponding communities and environment. In this age of increasing climate change, such methods are no longer viable. Those of us who would seek to oppose these measures, however, often find ourselves hopelessly outmatched. We are David against Goliath. But remember; David beat Goliath in the end… with a slingshot!

On Dec 2, after numerous demonstrations, letter writing campaigns, lawsuit threats and attempted meetings, local activists including Native American activist Zachary Runningwolf, climbed the trees in an effort to protect them. The night before the “big game” between UC Berkeley and Stanford football teams, the tree climbers outwitted UC Police and managed to get three people up into the trees. The large police presence relented as 70,000 fans began showing up for the game. The next day, platforms for the tree sitters were built and a support camp established. A flurry of media coverage ensued. Three to five tree sitters have been living in the canopy for over a month since then. A dedicated ground crew has been supporting them. The UC police regularly check in on the treesit. They have issued trespass citations and stay-away orders to a few of the tree sitters, one whom was arrested when he refused to leave the area. On January 12 they even went so far as to confiscate the entire ground camp. including tents, bikes, blankets and cooking, art and medical supplies. The support crew returned immediately after the police departed.

The campaign to Save the Oaks has brought together a broad coalition of neighbors, students, Earth Firsters!, People’s Park activists, religious leaders, preservationists, botanists, university staff, children and elders. It is creating a natural gathering place for a community that may not have met otherwise.

There have been concerts with Country Joe McDonald and Wavy Gravy, a solstice celebration, visits by Julia Butterfly Hill, a Spiral Dance with Reclaiming collective members and many a good music jam. If you are in Berkeley, you can visit the urban treesit any hour of the day or night on Piedmont Ave. just north of Bancroft Street. Help with food and good cheer are always welcome. It is a lovely and accessible place to experience a little nature and meet some of the diverse community that has come out to support this special tree grove. If you are not in the East Bay, think about creative ways that you can protect the threatened green spaces that are important to you, your environment, and the communities that you are a part of.

For info: saveoaks.com, berkeleycitizen.org

Enlisting resistance – vets who know the war is bullshit

Hundreds of thousands of American soldiers have returned home with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder after serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. What happens to people in the military and how can veterans participate in the anti-war movement? Kate Flanagan’s experiences during the Uprise tour provides valuable insight into these questions.

By Kate Flanagan

I spent October traveling the rustbelt — from DC to Chicago — with a caravan of activists, musicians, and veterans. We were in a different city almost every day. The veterans shared their personal stories, and we activists gave workshops on counter-military recruitment and the corporate connections in Iraq. In the evenings we screened films like “Sir, No Sir” and hosted shows featuring political hip-hop, punk, and folk artists.

Four veterans with Iraq Veterans Against the War (IVAW) came on the tour and local IVAW members spoke at several events. IVAW is a rapidly growing group that is open to anyone who has served in the military since 9-11. Of the four that came on tour with us two — Nick and Mike — had been in Afghanistan and the other two — Steve, and Toby — had been in Iraq. These guys are part of the anti-authoritarian wing of the IVAW. While many in the group are focusing their energy on lobbying, these vets are reaching out to youth to tell them not to join the military, and to support soldiers who want to resist the war. The vets got an old school bus donated; it’s painted red, white, and blue with “Iraq Veterans Against the War” on the sides.

Let me tell you, these guys turn heads. When they talk people listen. You can tell they aren’t trained speakers. Often one will pause and stare off, lose his train of thought, or avoid talking about the war but it’s more powerful than any spin because you can see him reliving a story he can’t tell. Their stories make the war more real than anything else can.

The Cast

“We thought we were going there to help people and save people’s lives,” Mike says. “We thought that was what the army was about. We thought that was what this country is about.” Mike’s got long brown hair and soft blue eyes. He wears a bandanna around his head and the crew’s unofficial uniform: a black t-shirt and ripped jeans. He is from New Orleans and was trapped in the city during hurricane Katrina. Back then he still had faith in the government and expected help to come, but of course it didn’t. He harbors a slow, sad, anger. Ask him to sum his feelings in one word: betrayed.

All of these vets joined the army with the best of intentions but in war they saw that the government’s priority was controlling resources and funneling cash to corrupt leaders and military contractors. Mike served on a base in Qatar during the war in Afghanistan. He knew the war was wrong when he saw that his base was sending millions of dollars of new equipment to Iraq, thirteen months before the Iraq war started, while supplies were badly needed in Afghanistan.

At every stop, someone would ask about rebuilding. Steve and Toby would always say that they didn’t see any rebuilding in Iraq. “I drove through the streets of Baghdad for twelve months and it just got worse over there.” Toby said. Toby has a fair freckled face and a strawberry-blond mohawk. When it’s cold out — and it was often freezing — he dresses like an old fashioned spy in a fedora and trench coat. Toby is the ninth of eleven kids in his family. He’s quiet and thoughtful — much of what he doesn’t say he pours into poetry.

In Iraq and Afghanistan, instead of putting money toward rebuilding, the military would give cash payments to warlords or tribal leaders, officially for ‘rebuilding.’ The spending wasn’t regulated and it was clear that the money wasn’t being spent on new schools and roads. “That money was going to buy bullets that were coming back at us,” said Mike.

In Iraq, Steve says, while soldiers were risking their lives on missions for a $22,000 salary, Halliburton employees stayed safely on the base, earning over $130,000 supervising four or five Iraqis who got $1.50 an hour.

“One time I asked why the Iraqis were getting paid so little, and they told me it was because they didn’t want to flood the Iraqi economy with money,” said Steve. Steve noted that he and many other solders didn’t have time to think about the political implications of everything they were seeing. But since he’s been home, he’s been developing a solid anti-capitalist critique. Steve looks like a fox and has all the energy of one. He’s bold and raw and a comedic genius. He’s the smallest and the angriest of the four. He’s also got the most conspicuous case of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. He’s jumpy and known to wander off, sometimes in the middle of a conversation.

While everyone else speaks, Nick sits in the front with a video camera. He’s a big teddy bear, with curly brown hair. He’s reserved and relatively organized. He’s also the driver of the bus and the holder of the money. He seems older than the rest of them, but he isn’t really – none of them are older than 25. Maybe it’s because he’s been doing this longer. He’s been in IVAW since it started in Summer 2004.

Post Traumatic Stress Disorder

All the vets told about coming back home from the war and being unable to function. They complained that the government didn’t give them support to deal with the fact that they had almost died — that they had seen their buddies die or had killed or tortured people themselves. They got through the war thinking that if they could just get home, everything would be right again. But at home they couldn’t find comfort in the things they once liked or the people they still loved. They shut themselves off from family and friends.

Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder — PTSD — is a psychological response to life-threatening events. People can get PTSD from one experience — seeing someone die, or being in a serious car crash — so you can imagine how being in combat and in life threatening situations every day for a year or more can cause serious damage to a person’s mental stability. According to Wikipedia “People who suffer from PTSD often relive the experience through nightmares and intrusive memories. They have difficulty sleeping, and may feel detached or estranged from others, from their own experiences, and from the world around them. These symptoms can be severe enough and last long enough to significantly impair the person’s daily life.”

It’s estimated that a third of soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan are suffering from PTSD. But all of the war veterans I’ve met have had it to some degree and are dealing with the fact that their experiences will haunt them for the rest of their lives. A mother of a soldier came to an event and asked the vets, “how can we help you, emotionally?” She wanted to know how to reach her son who had returned from Iraq distant and depressed. “You can’t get him back,” Steve told her. “How do you tell your mother that your best friend died and his blood splattered on your face, or that you had to kill children? You can’t.”

When soldiers get off the plane to come home, they are asked a set of questions, one of which is ‘Do you need mental help?’ If they say “yes” they could be kept on the base for another 6 months and not permitted to see their family, which is all they want at that point. Once back home, it takes three months for soldiers to get an appointment through the Veterans Administration with someone who can diagnose them with PTSD. When soldiers try to get help for PTSD, the officials at the VA play on the hyper masculinity that soldiers learn in the army to talk them out of seeking help. “They make you feel like if you can’t take it, you shouldn’t ever have joined the army,” said Mike.

Soldiers officially receive free medical care for two years after they are discharged, but the VA uses all sorts of tricks to get out of providing for veterans. The VA’s policy
on PTSD is that they are not responsible for informing veterans of their right to file a claim, and if they don’t know about PTSD, it does not extend their time frame to file a claim. “Most of the people in my platoon don’t even know what PTSD is — and how could they? The VA doesn’t even tell them,” Steve said.

Property Of The State

“You were just following orders, just doing what you were told, but it still keeps you up at night,” said Toby. Toby tells the story of when his best friend was killed in an ambush and died in Iraq. “One week later, I was approached by a staff sergeant who gave me a box of 240 machine gun rounds that my friend had on him when he died. They were caked in his blood. The sergeant told me to go kill some Iraqis. And I did. I used them to the best of my ability.” The acts of violence perpetuated by soldiers are not isolated incidents. They are a result of systematic training that valorizes violence and preys upon soldiers’ emotions, especially their love for one another. The vets will be living with the memories of war for the rest of their lives. But the military bureaucrats in the Pentagon, the politicians and the war profiteers who create the system that manipulates soldiers and creates war — they don’t have to face the terrors of war or acknowledge the blood on their hands.

The goal of basic training is to break enlistees down and build them back up as killing machines. The military is constantly developing new technologies to manage the troops. The ‘brotherhood’ is one of the main tools that the military uses to get soldiers to fight. The government has learned that soldiers aren’t fighting for the government, or for freedom, but for their fellow soldiers. The military’s strategy is to foster soldiers’ sense of loyalty to each other. Basic training is structured around teaching soldiers that their failure, or their refusal to participate hurts their whole group. Soldiers are assigned to a ‘battle buddy.’ When one of them loses, his buddy loses, and vice versa.

While the military teaches soldiers to care for each other, it simultaneously dehumanizes local populations. Like in Vietnam, where the military called the Vietnamese ‘gooks,’ today, Iraqis are all called ‘Hadjis’ and soldiers are discouraged from associating with Iraqi people.

Tariq, one of the activists on the tour, served in the Air Force for four years making bombs on a base in Korea in the 90’s. The first night in basic training his unit was forced on their hands and knees, naked, with chains around their necks. He talks about how as a punishment, a friend of his was thrown into twelve foot deep water, hands and feet tied together and told to swim. They pulled him out right before he drowned. Another friend’s head was held under water until he passed out and was revived with an oxygen tank. The military uses these techniques to teach obedience. Through their military training soldiers learn how to be abusive.

Troops are trained to respond to fear and anger with violence and then thrown into situations where fear and anger abound. Walking Iraq city streets in a military uniform makes soldiers an obvious target, but it is often impossible for soldiers to identify who is trying to kill them. Steve said, “It’s like being in a dark room and someone keeps punching you, and you don’t know who. Sooner or later you’re going to punch back and not care who you hit.”

Women in the military have it the worst. Unlike male soldiers, they can’t go back to the base and feel safe. Sexual assault and rape are rampant within the military and the military bureaucracy does little to protect women or punish their assaulters.

Military training doesn’t stop when troops go home to the base — it carries over into their civilian lives where ex-military are far more likely than civilians to be abusive and violent. “You desensitize a person to killing, even children, and you can’t turn off that switch,” Steve said. “They’re cold.”

“They [the government] learned from Vietnam,” Steve says. “It’s better for the government to fuck one person up really, really bad, then five people just a little bit.” The enlistment contract is binding for the troops but not for the government. Instead of a draft, the government has been implementing the “Stop Loss Policy” which forces soldiers to stay in the military past the terms of their contracts. A quarter of soldiers are on their first tour in Iraq, half are on their second, and the rest are on their third or more. The government knows that every soldier is connected to hundreds of family and friends. Reusing the same soldiers allows the government to keep more Americans removed from the war.

Soldiers have no constitutional rights in the military. You literally become state property. The military can use its ownership over soldiers to control what information gets out about the war. Only one media team came to Toby’s base in Iraq the whole time he was there. Before they came, the soldiers were trained what to say. “They came to me. And I told them I didn’t have anything to say. Because I couldn’t tell the truth.”

De-Troop The Troops

A 2004 Pentagon statistic counted 40,000 soldiers AWOL (absent without leave) out of an army of 550,000. We ran into soldiers all along the tour route – some just in training, some AWOL, others back from the war – all opposed to the war. The veterans say most soldiers and even some officers talk openly about not knowing why they are there and what they are fighting for.

The troops are not sounding the battle cry. But most of them aren’t signing on to the anti-war movement either. This is partly because the military teaches soldiers that ‘protesters’ hate them. This is also because the anti-war movement often assumes that soldiers are naturally in support of the war. For soldiers, joining the anti-war movement means admitting that everything that happened to them and their friends in the war was for nothing. That’s a difficult barrier to cross. But it would be so much easier if there were a visible anti-war community that they knew would welcome them.

The history of the Vietnam War anti-war movement shows that we can only be successful if meaningful connections are created between activists and soldiers. GI resistance is the key to ending the war, and that can only happen if activists create decentralized networks to provide services like alternative healthcare, legal advice, and temporary homes for homeless and AWOL soldiers. Welcoming veterans into the anti-war movement will mean actively helping them assimilate to non-hierarchical organizing theory and practice, and helping them fight internalized sexism, racism, and heterosexism. Remember that militarism is built on a foundation of racism, sexism, and homophobia and that these ideas are pervasive in military culture and training. I do not mean to excuse prejudices but to recognize that folks who believe in equality at their core may still harbor problematic language and ideas. It is also hard for vets — or anyone — to get used to activist culture and lingo.

After Steve had a pretty serious PTSD attack, Ryan, another activist on the tour, made him a tea with stress-relieving herbs. Steve told Ryan, “I think that stuff is working, man, but I wouldn’t tell you cuz that’d be gay. Not gay in the cool homosexual way, you know what I mean.” And we do, because to understand these guys means we have to really listen beyond the language they are using. They’re open to confronting their -isms, and we can help them by keeping an open dialogue instead of being judgmental or dismissive.

We had a hell of a time just trying to get the vets to work in a consensus-style group with us. In the one meeting we managed to get everyone to come to, they were jittery and off topic. They are so used to the authoritarian structure of the military that they don’t understand that their input is important. Separate times I asked Steve and Toby, “What do you want?” They b
oth looked at me quizzically. They hadn’t even considered what they wanted, because they aren’t used to what they want being important. More than once, instead of saying they didn’t want to have a meeting, the vets just didn’t show up. Part of creating a supportive community for veterans is teaching them the tools to become empowered activists.

One of the biggest assets of the military is the instant community felt between all veterans. In joining the movement, they risk being alienated from fellow veterans. IVAW is an important tool because there is a deep level of understanding between anti-war veterans. Also, speaking out against the war allows them to begin the process of healing. “In some way it’s redemption,” Toby said. “I feel like if this works, I’ll have saved myself.”

The vets hate it when they meet people who ask them “How many people did you kill?” or say “Thank you for your service,” or “We’re proud of you.” Because they’re not proud of what they did, and don’t want to be seen as a symbol – the stoic soldier.

Next time you see a veteran, don’t assume he or she is pro-war and don’t try to talk politics immediately. Instead say “Welcome home,” or “How are you?” or “How many friends did you lose?” Instead of asking vets to authenticate our beliefs, we have to listen to them, to allow them to transform our understanding of what war is and how it operates. At the same time we can help them take back a little piece of their humanity.

The author is a member of UPRISE/UC Santa Cruz Students Against the War.